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7
77
Raphael
Head of an Angel
c. 1519–20
Black chalk or charcoal and brownish
charcoal, heightened with white
308 × 254 mm
Budapest, Museum of Fine Arts, 1943
By 1514 Raphael had achieved absolute artistic
hegemony in Rome, and his tasks accumu
lated inexorably. To resolve the pressures
of his reputation and accommodate all the
demands placed upon him, it became essential
to establish an efficient workshop. Although
Raphael had already formed associations, usu
ally temporary ones, for specific commissions
in Umbria and Florence, he had no experience
at all when it came to organizing a workshop.
Until Raphael became an adult, the family
studio in Urbino was managed by his father’s
former assistants, and he later returned to his
hometown only for shorter periods.1 Between
1500 and 1508 Raphael divided his time
between a number of places, mainly Città di
Castello, Perugia and Florence, but there is no
indication that he operated a workshop any
where. For major commissions he employed
his father’s former assistants as well as local
artists.2 The range of work he undertook in
Florence implies that he never intended to
set up a workshop there either.
When in 1508 Raphael arrived in Rome,
he commenced work in the Stanza della Seg
natura as a member of an illustrious group
of painters, and soon afterwards Julius II put
him in charge of all decorations of the papal
apartment.3 Curiously, Raphael was still inex
perienced in wall-painting,4 and the scale of
the projects, combined with the need to plan
every detail and the fresco technique itself,
required a specific working method and assis
tance. Raphael was compelled to rationalize
his working practice: he gradually took on an
expanding circle of assistants, involving them
to an increasing extent in the execution of his
commissions.
In the organization of his workshop,
Raphael benefited primarily from Perugino’s
example. Perhaps the last of the great mas
ter-craftsmen in the late medieval sense,
Perugino evolved the traditional Italian
workshop into a highly organized, flourishing
artistic enterprise.5 As the leading painter of
the time, his works were in constant demand,
and right from the start of his career he
employed a team of assistants to ensure he
could perform all his simultaneous tasks.6
Since many of his large altarpieces were to
be painted in situ, he managed at least two
independent workshops in different towns
at the same time: in Florence between 1487
and 1511, in Perugia between 1501 and 1513,
as well as for shorter periods also in Fano
and Rome.
110
Besides his artistic qualities, Perugino’s
fame rested on his extremely high out
put. A wide circle of associates, including
apprentices, assistants, collaborators, and
subcontractors, were involved in the creative
process.7 Although Perugino owed much of
his reputation and commercial success to
his well-organized studio, his achievement
was later obscured by repetitive workshop
compositions, mass-produced from a store
of over-worked motifs from earlier inventions.
His failure in Florence late in his career was
due mainly to a shift in the way works of art
were evaluated: by the turn of the sixteenth
century, artistic innovation was more highly
appreciated than professional skills or the
reliability of appearance.8
The general method in a Renaissance work
shop was for the final design of the entire com
position to be recorded in a full-sized cartoon
with the work in progress, whose contours
were transferred onto the painting’s support.
As the cartoon was usually destroyed in the
transfer process, before it was actually used,
copies were made, generally by pouncing, in
order to preserve the figures or heads, from
which further cartoons could easily be made.9
This method of reusing designs and reemploy
ing cartoons was conceived in the Verrocchio
workshop, but perfected by Perugino.10 In
his studio, these secondary cartoons not
only accelerated and facilitated the work of
producing replicas, but also ensured uniform
character and consistent quality of products.
By contrast, the innovation of Raphael’s
workshop was the employment of talented
assistants who could be confidently entrusted
even with the inventive stages of the work.
Raphael made the most of the individual
skills of his collaborators and accorded them
a significant creative role and, it seems, even a
degree of autonomy. In a break with traditional
practices, whereby artists participated in most
of the procedures leading up to the actual
painting, Raphael assigned an ever-increasing
share of the tasks to his assistants. Depending
on the prestige or complexity of the work,
and not least on his own interest, Raphael
delegated labour and drastically reduced
his personal contribution,which allowed to
concentrate on invention, management and
supervision.11
Delegating the work of preparation and exe
cution was in fact no more than a pragmatic
78
Giovanni Francesco Penni
Pope with Angels, Allegorical
Figures and Caryatids
c. 1519–20
Pen and brush in brown ink, over black
chalk and stylus, heightened with white
375 × 295 mm
Paris, Musée du Louvre, 4304
111
79
Workshop of Raphael
Pope Urban I with Justice,
Charity, and Angels c. 1520
Fresco
Rome, Palazzi Vaticani
words, Raphael retained authorship without
actual execution. Representing a kind of ‘cor
porate signature’, the output of the studio was
attributed to Raphael for his role as inventor
and for his legal responsibility as leader of
the workshop.15
Documentary evidence about Raphael’s
Roman studio is very scarce. Even its location
is uncertain; all we can surmise is that after
1517, when the painter moved into the Palazzo
Caprini, he presumably set up his workshop
there as well.16 The studio seems to have been
comprised of more or less casual affiliations,
with its members contracted according to
the work at hand.17 Specialists hired on an
ad hoc basis, as well as Raphael’s permanent
colleagues, were anonymously mentioned
under collective terms such as garzoni or
‘Raphael’s boys’.18
Only two principal assistants, Giovanni
Francesco Penni and Giulio Romano, may
be described in the modern sense of the word
as Raphael’s pupils, who developed into longterm, devoted collaborators. They became
apprenticed to Raphael in their teenage years,
and worked with him continuously and in
extension of a common, existing workshop close partnership thereafter.19 When Raphael
practice.12 Contrary to the approach of mod died, Penni and Giulio were named his artistic
ern connoisseurship, in the sixteenth-century heirs, and inheritors of his workshop, com
the artist’s hand was understood in a broader missions and unfinished paintings.20 Despite
sense, and invention was given preference this, neither of them was mentioned by name
over realization. Raphael could extract the before 1520; the first reference to their joint
full benefit from his colleagues’ talents.13 It authorship with Raphael appears in a docu
appears that only highly sophisticated col ment from 1524, concerning the Monteluce
lectors and experts of refined taste insisted Coronation of the Virgin.21
that a work be carried out by the master
Raphael’s most trusted assistants were often
himself,14 while most clients were satisfied assigned the task of developing their master’s
with paintings designated ‘by his own hand’ rapidly sketched ideas into detailed studies
(di sua mano), recognized under Raphael’s or modelli recording the final composition.
name but carried out by assistants; in other These workshop drawings demonstrate the
113
80
Giulio Romano
Head of a Hermaphrodite
c. 1519–20
Charcoal, heightened with white, outlines
indented and pricked for transfer
249 × 201 mm
Florence, Museo Horne, 5548
assistants’ great skill at imitating Raphael’s
formal vocabulary, and are often impossible
to differentiate from the master’s own sheets.22
Penni and Giulio gradually advanced to
become perfect proxies for their master. They
were capable of drawing in the same manner
and to the same high standard as Raphael,
which was emphasised also by Vasari.23 For
this reason, quality in itself is insufficient for
determining the authorship of late drawings
from Raphael’s studio. These are typical
workshop productions, created in an almost
uniform manner, so in most cases they are
unsuited for evaluation using the modern
approach, with its focus on individual sty
listic features.24 The doubts of modern con
noisseurship are clearly demonstrated by the
continuous fluctuation in attributions of the
late drawings between Raphael, Giulio, and
others; in many instances, consensus has still
not been reached.25
It was standard practice in Raphael’s work
shop for drawings to be copied for the purpose
of preserving compositions. This task was ful
filled primarily by Penni, nicknamed Il Fattore,
whose function in the studio was that of a
‘visual secretary’ and artistic supervisor,26 with
chief responsibility for design reproduction
and making of modelli. This is also explicit in
Vasari’s words, which describe the painter as
a specialist of highly finished drawings and
cartoons that deceptively imitate Raphael’s
style.27 For this reason, Penni’s drawing œuvre
may only be hypothetical, and his authorship
is often proposed only in the absence of a
more convincing alternative.28
Unlike the éminence grise Penni, Giulio was
granted extensive autonomy for his work. His
greatly admired virtuosity and his sharp artis
tic profile led to a tendency to ascribe draw
ings from Raphael’s studio to Giulio whenever
their attribution to Raphael was uncertain.
Distinguishing between the late drawings
of Raphael and the early ones of Giulio has
proved one of the thorniest problems, with
their attribution oscillating between two
extremes. Some scholars, overestimating his
role to an extraordinary degree, argued that
most were drawn by Giulio,29 while others
tended to ascribe almost every sheet created in
the workshop to Raphael himself.30 Although
Giulio’s participation in Raphael’s assignments
is mainly deduced from the works themselves,
there is no doubt that late in Raphael’s lifetime,
Giulio produced a number of inventive draw
ings, especially figure studies of an almost
equal quality as his master.31
Along with the studio, Penni and Giulio also
inherited designs for projects in progress.32
This legacy provided an unexpected guaran
tee that they could keep the commissions of
their deceased master, whose rivals immedi
ately set about attempting to dismantle the
workshop’s Roman hegemony. One potential
leveller was Sebastiano del Piombo, who even
tried to muster Michelangelo’s support for
his campaign to take over the decoration of
the Sala di Costantino.33 Sebastiano’s assault
failed, and in a letter of 6 September, 1520 he
claimed that one reason for the pope’s deci
sion to keep the Raphael workshop on the
project was that they were in possession of
the designs.34 This implies that Leo X realized
the significance of the drawings in ensuring
that the decoration would be carried out as
Raphael had envisioned.
The decoration of the Sala di Costantino,
the great audience hall in the Vatican Palace,
demanded a grandiose pictorial programme.
The commission stipulated the portrayal
114
of four episodes from the life of the first
Christian emperor, Constantine the Great.35
The scaffolding for preparing the walls had
been erected as early as 1519, but Raphael,
who conceived the entire scheme of the fres
coes, did not get to witness their execution.
At the time of his sudden death in April 1520,
the painting of the first fresco, the Battle of the
Milvian Bridge had not progressed beyond the
earliest stages.36
In the Life of Penni, Vasari comments that
the Constantinian scenes were completed after
Raphael’s inventions and sketches by Penni, in
partnership with Giulio, and adds in Giulio’s
biography that they employed their master’s
cartoons.37 Indeed, the two painters worked
alongside, but the dominant role must, as ever,
have fallen to Giulio. Raphael’s death offered
him aesthetic release, and when the commis
sion was firmly in his grasp, he felt freer to
modify Raphael’s schemes.38 While Giulio
adhered closely to his master’s designs in the
painting of the Battle of the Milvian Bridge, in
The Allocution of Constantine he introduced
major changes to Raphael’s intentions, as
preserved in Penni’s modelli.39 The first two
frescoes with military themes were painted
some time before the death of Pope Leo X on
1 December, 1521;40 then the project as a whole
was suspended during the rule of Hadrian VI
(1522–1523), to be recommenced and com
pleted only after the election of Clement VII
(1523–1534).41
The Constantinian episodes are flanked
by simulated piers at the ends of the walls,
containing a niche with a pope enthroned,
flanked by angels and allegorical figures. These
ensembles perform the role usually played
by statues and give stability to the room dec
orated with large, multi-figured historical
scenes. Although Raphael’s premature death
interrupted the preparation of the frescoes, the
scheme encompassing the chronological cycle
of the popes must have been his invention. His
concept for one of these corner complexes is
recorded by Penni’s modello in the Louvre,
Paris [fig. 78],42 whose composition is closest
to the fresco depicting Pope Urban I [fig. 79],
81
Giulio Romano
Temperance
c. 1519–20
Black chalk, heightened with white,
on beige ground, pricked for transfer
1842 × 1190 mm
Paris, Museé du Louvre, 4301
115
82
Raphael
Head of Saint Andrew
c. 1519–20
Black chalk, over spolvero marks
399 × 350 mm
London, British Museum, 1860,0616.96
although it does not correspond exactly to
any of the painted groups. The Budapest sheet
was intended for the head of the candelabra
bearing angel on the right of the Paris modello,
but the figure was never executed in this form
[fig. 77]. Nevertheless, this drawing confirms
that the preparation of Raphael’s design had,
at least partially, reached an advanced phase.
With regard to its size and technique, the
Budapest sheet has often been described as a
cartoon for the head of the angel painted on
Pope Urban I’s left.43 This seems reasonable,
considering its dimensions are almost identi
cal to Giulio’s cartoons for figures contained in
the papal groups: the Head of a Hermaphrodite
in the Horne Collection, Florence [fig. 80],
and the Temperance in the Louvre, Paris [fig.
81].44 However, while the surviving cartoons
usually bear the scars of the transfer process,
the relatively well-preserved Budapest sheet
reveals no trace of any destructive procedure.
Its outlines have been neither pricked nor
indented, as has been erroneously suggested in
earlier literature.45 All the contours are intact,
indicating that the drawing cannot have been
used for transfer. All things considered, the
Budapest drawing was surely not employed
as a cartoon.
Raphael was familiar with the practice,
prevalent in the Perugino workshop, of
replicating designs in full-size cartoons.
Apparently Raphael made extensive use of
similar secondary cartoons, in his case usually
called ‘auxiliary cartoons’.46 Only a few of them
have survived, the earliest of which relate to
his first Perugian altarpiece, The Coronation
of the Virgin,47 while the other significant
group was intended for his last painting of The
Transfiguration (Rome, Pinacoteca Vaticana),48
and only two further ‘auxiliary cartoons’ have
come down to us.49 These exquisitely drawn
chalk studies, primarily for heads and some
times for hands, were worked up from outlines
traced directly from the cartoon, and served to
replace the cartoons that would be destroyed
during the transfer process. In addition to this
function, the ‘auxiliary cartoons’ ensured that
assistants could faithfully interpret Raphael’s
inventions, relatively independently of the
master’s supervision. As opposed to the lin
ear nature of the original cartoons, they are
painstakingly modelled in an extraordinary
chiaroscuro manner.50
The painterly approach of the Budapest
drawing raises the possibility that it may have
served as an ‘auxiliary cartoon’. However, the
83
Raphael
Caryatid
c. 1519–20
Black chalk, light wash, on beige
ground, squared
328 × 142 mm
Frankfurt, Städel Museum, 421
117
84
Giulio Romano
The Stoning of Saint Stephen
c. 1520–22
Oil on panel
403 × 288 cm
Genoa, Santo Stefano
lack of traces indicating any transfer process
and the much cruder and sharper modelling
all combine to refute this supposition.51 A
relatively unimportant angel was unlikely
to require thorough preparation; ‘auxiliary
cartoons’ were usually prepared to resolve
complex painterly problems, such as the
foreshortened and sharply lit apostles of
the Transfiguration [fig. 82].52 In sum there
fore, the Budapest drawing was most likely
intended as a simple head study directly
preceding the execution of the final cartoon,
which was probably never realized.
The extensive use of chalk, especially red
chalk for detailed figure studies, was popu
larized by Leonardo and Michelangelo at the
beginning of the sixteenth century.53 Chalk
was available in many different hues and hard
nesses, and was suitable for a complete range
of various effects. As it could be handled in
many ways, for denser, more emphatic lines
as well as lighter, subtler heightening, chalk
proved to be a most versatile medium.
While still in Umbria, Raphael had grown
familiar with this method from drawings by
Perugino and Signorelli, and chalk became
his favoured technique during his Roman
period.54 Late in his career, red chalk was the
preferred choice for detailed figure studies in
the Raphael workshop, where it was especially
broadly used by Giulio.55 Black chalk was pri
marily employed for cartoons and ‘auxiliary
cartoons’ and was often combined with white
chalk or heightened with lead white.
The authorship of the Budapest drawing
has given rise to much controversy: some
scholars consider it Raphael’s original, while
others regard it as the product of a member
of his workshop, most likely Giulio. It has
generally been likened to the chalk drawings
for the figures surrounding Pope Urban I in
the Sala di Costantino.56 However, the soft
contours and delicate modelling of the ele
gant head study in the Louvre, Paris, intended
presumably for Caritas,57 the drawing in the
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, developing
the same figure,58 as well as the study for the
Caryatid in the Städel Museum, Frankfurt
[fig. 83],59 all differ markedly from the overall
hardness of the Budapest Angel. The figure is
characterized by effectively delineated con
tours, while its dramatic quality is evoked by
the sheer power of the contrast between light
and dark. It is closest in manner to the cartoon
Giulio used for two bilaterally symmetrical
hermaphrodites in the Sala di Costantino [fig.
80].60 Nevertheless, formal resemblance and
identical technique are insufficient to remove
all doubt that the Florence and Budapest
drawings were made by the same hand.
119
85
Giulio Romano
The Stoning of Saint Stephen
c. 1520–21
Charcoal and black chalk, mounted
on canvas, 4119 × 2850 mm
Rome, Musei Vaticani, 40753
The debate over the authorship of the
Budapest drawing is a clear demonstration
of the contradiction between the Renaissance
understanding of the artist’s hand and the
approach of modern connoisseurs. Penni’s
task of copying compositions by the Raphael
workshop for potential use in the future
unambiguously illustrates that the inven
tion recorded in drawings was more highly
esteemed than the identity of the draughts
man.61 Bearing this in mind, the authorship
of the Budapest sheet remains an open ques
tion; all that is certain is that it was created
in Raphael’s workshop, probably during the
initial phase of the preparation of the fresco.
When Giulio and Penni inherited Raphael’s
workshop, with its stock of already employed
and abandoned drawings, they simultaneously
gained the opportunity to utilize his inven
tions as well. Giulio re-employed the motif
of the angel’s head of the Budapest drawing
in unaltered form on his final cartoon for
The Stoning of Saint Stephen painted for the
church of Santo Stefano, Genoa [fig. 85].62
Giulio’s altarpiece undisguisedly emulates
Raphael’s famous Transfiguration, but was
conceived in an independent manner that
both imitated and departed from the formal
vocabulary of his master.63 Finally, the angel
of the Budapest drawing remained, once again,
unrealized in its original form. Instead, it was
drastically transformed in the newly emerg
ing mannerist style manifested in the Genoa
altarpiece [fig. 84].
120
1 For the Santi workshop, see chapter 1, note 13.
2 Ferino-Pagden 1986b, pp. 95 and 102. In 1500,
Raphael contracted for The Coronation of Saint
Nicholas of Tolentino altarpiece of Città di Castello
together with his father’s former colleague, Evange
lista di Pian di Meleto (Shearman 2003, pp. 71–73),
and in 1505 for the Monteluce Coronation of the
Virgin with Girolamo Genga (ibid., pp. 86–92). It
appears that Raphael maintained his contacts from
Urbino even while in Rome. In the Chigi chapel
in Santa Maria della Pace, Timoteo Viti executed
the Prophets above Raphael’s Sybils, see Chapman,
Henry, and Plazzotta 2004, p. 58.
3 For the Stanze, see chapter 5.
4 The only fresco Raphael had painted previously
was The Holy Trinity Flanked by Saints for the
Camaldolese monastery of San Severo, Perugia,
in 1505, which remained unfinished, see Borgia
2007.
5 For the organization of Perugino’s workshop, see
Ferino-Pagden 1979; for his Florentine workshop,
see Coonin 1999; for his Perugian workshop, see
Canuti 1931, vol. 2, pp. 302–5 and Mancini 2004.
6 Painters of the period were largely managers. They
usually designed new works and painted the most
important details, especially the figures, while
often assigning secondary tasks to assistants and
participating again in the last phase of execution,
when the work was nearly finished. This common
practice, which clients were obviously aware of, is
well illustrated by Pintoricchio’s contract of 1502
for the Piccolomini Library in Siena, see O’Malley
2007, p. 681, and note 30.
7 Ferino-Pagden 1979, p. 11.
8 Franklin 2001, chapter 1.
9 For contemporary methods of making copies, see
chapter 3, notes 63 and 64.
10 For Verrocchio’s practice, see Rubin and Wright
1999, pp. 93–97 and 150–51; for similar methods
applied by other painters, see Venturini 1992 and
Holmes 2004. For the use of cartoons in the Peru
gino workshop, see Ferino-Pagden 1979; Bambach
1999, pp. 86–91; Hiller von Gaertringen 1997 and
2004; O’Malley 2007.
11 This not only drew criticism of Raphael (Vasari
[ed. Milanesi], vol. 4, pp. 377–78), but also made
him vulnerable to his greatest rivals, who attempted
to obtain papal commissions by denouncing the
quality of products from the Raphael workshop,
see Henry and Joannides 2012–13, p. 19; Shearman
2003, pp. 385, 619–20, 631–32.
12 For the organization of the Raphael workshop, see
Shearman 1983; Oberhuber 1998; Talvacchia 2005;
Henry and Joannides 2012–13, esp. pp. 17–20 and
41–43. Raphael’s practice served as a model also
for Vasari’s workshop and later for several seven
teenth-century artists, such as Rubens, Bernini
and Pietro da Cortona.
13 For the issue in detail, see Stoltz 2012, esp.
pp. 18–19.
14 This is perfectly exemplified by the well-docu
mented case of the painting for Duke Alfonso
d’Este, see Shearman 2003, pp. 325–30.
15 For the understanding of authenticity in the
Renaissance, in the light of the phrase ‘fatto di
sua mano’, see Pon 2004a, pp. 67–85.
16 In a letter from Rome to Alfonso d’Este, Alfonso
Paolucci reports that he visited Raphael in his
palace, but could not go upstairs because he was
told that the painter was busy making a portrait
of Castiglione, see Shearman 2003, pp. 478–79; for
the document relating to Palazzo Caprini, see ibid,
pp. 301–3.
17 Vasari reported with obvious exaggeration: ‘he
always kept a vast number of them employed [...]
some fifty painters, all able and excellent, who kept
him company’ (see Vasari [ed. Milanesi], vol. 4,
p. 384).
18 Shearman 2003, pp. 289, 457, 592, 606–7, 615, 616,
710.
19 Penni probably joined Raphael in Florence, just
before he left for Rome, and first appears in Raph
ael’s Roman workshop around 1511–12. In contrast,
Giulio’s initial training seems to have taken place
outside Raphael’s direct control, before he entered
the workshop around 1515–16; for this subject,
see Nesselrath 2000; for the role of the two artists
in Raphael’s workshop, see Henry and Joannides
2012–13, esp. pp. 68–71.
20 Raphael’s testament has not survived, but its pro
visions were recorded by Vasari (ed. Milanesi, vol.
4, p. 382) and mentioned by other sources, see
Shearman 2003, pp. 569–71.
21 ‘per la mano di maestro Raffaello e Joanne Fran
cesco e Giulio sui discepoli’, see Berto di Giovanni’s
account of 16 December, 1524 with the Franciscan
nuns of Santa Maria di Monteluce for his share of
work on the Coronation of the Virgin altarpiece,
see Shearman 2003, pp. 787–88.
22 Rosand 1988, p. 358.
23 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 5, pp. 523–24.
24 According to Achim Gnann, the individual stylistic
features of their drawings executed after Raphael’s
death have to be present in ‘embryonic form’ in
their early works, see Gnann and Plomp 2012–13,
pp. 23–24.
25 At the end of the nineteenth century, Raphael’s
drawing œuvre was drastically reduced by the
removal of many sheets that had traditionally
been regarded as authograph. After the gradual
reappraisal of his drawings (Shearman 1959;
Pouncey and Gere 1962; Oberhuber 1972) the
publications of the anniversary year of 1983
(among them O
berhuber 1983 and Joannides 1983)
reached various conclusions in the differentiation
between drawings by Raphael and his assistants,
see Joannides 1993. Important writings about
the painters in the Raphael workshop provided a
clearer picture of their drawing œuvre, see Gnann
and Plomp 2012–13, p. 29, note 22.
26 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, p. 644; in his letter of
April 1520, Alfonso d’Este names Penni as camerero,
see Shearman 2003, pp. 589–90.
27 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, pp. 643–49.
28 Penni’s œuvre numbers over a hundred drawings,
almost exclusively modelli after Raphael, all in
brush and wash, mostly over preliminary black
chalk and modelled with white heightening.
29 Hartt 1958. For the elimination of the extreme ten
dency of attributing virtually everything produced
in Raphael’s late workshop to Giulio, see Gould
1982.
30 Konrad Oberhuber and Achim Gnann reattrib
uted many drawings to Raphael that had been
downgraded to studio works, see Oberhuber and
Gnann 1999.
31 Apart from the preparatory work for large scale
commissions in the Vatican Palace, and Raphael’s
last painting of exceptional importance, the Transfiguration, Giulio also played a significant role in
the graphic preparation of late panel paintings by
the Raphael workshop, see Joannides 2000a and
2000b; Henry and Joannides 2012–13, pp. 70–76.
32 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, p. 646.
121
33 Talvacchia 2007, p. 217; Shearman 2003, pp.
587–88, 605–8, 615–17 and 619–20.
34 Shearman 2003, pp. 615–16.
35 Vasari (ed. Milanesi) vol. 4, p. 369, 645; vol. 5, pp.
527–31. For the decoration of the Sala di Costan
tino, see Quednau 1979; for the decorative scheme
and the Constantinian episodes in all’antica style,
see Quednau 1986, pp. 250–55; for the illusion
istic effect, which is somewhat lost to the mod
ern viewer, see Talvacchia 2007, pp. 208–12; for
related documents, see Cordellier and Py 1992a,
pp. 542–45.
36 For the phases of the decoration that were exe
cuted before Raphael’s death, see Quednau 1986,
pp. 247–50 (with relevant sources). Penni’s modello
for the battle scene (Joannides 1983, no. 442) and
the fragment of the cartoon by Giulio were both
possibly executed during Raphael’s lifetime (ibid.,
no. 443).
37 Vasari (ed. Milanesi), vol. 4, p. 645, where, in con
trast with the first edition of the Lives, he adds the
word ‘partially’ on the basis of Raphael’s inventions
and drawings, see ibid., vol. 5, p. 527. For Vasari’s
contradictory assertions regarding the Sala di
Costantino, see Shearman 1965, p. 177, note 88.
38 Henry and Joannides 2012–13, p. 81.
39 Joannides 1983, no. 445.
40 See Baldassare Castiglione’s letter to Federico
Gonzaga, dated 21 December, 1521; Shearman
2003, pp. 707–8.
41 As in his letter to Michelangelo dated 6 September,
1520, Sebastiano del Piombo lists different sub
jects, and the two latter scenes may result from a
change in concept, see Shearman 2003, pp. 615–16.
For the unrealized frescoes, see Shearman 1965,
pp. 177–80; for Raphael’s late style in the Sala di
Costantino, see Quednau 1986.
42 Joannides 1983, no. 450; Cordellier and Py 1992a,
no. 132. The drawing must originally have been
attached to a modello for one of the historical
scenes, perhaps the Battle of the Milvian Bridge,
see Joannides 1983, no. 442; Gnann in Gnann and
Plomp 2012–13, p. 28.
43 It was first listed as a cartoon in Ruland’s Windsor
catalogue, see Ruland 1876, p. 335, no. XXIV.
44 Cordellier and Py 1992a, no. 961.
45 Cf. Joannides 1983; Zentai 1998; Joannides and
Henry 2012–13.
46 The term ‘auxiliary cartoon’ was invented by Oskar
Fischel, see Fischel 1937; for the criticism of the
term, see Ames-Lewis 1986, p. 154, note 22.
47 Joannides 1983, nos. 48–50.
48 Ibid., nos. 433–38.
49 The first is the head for one of the Muses in the
Parnassus of the Stanza della Segnatura (Joannides
1983, no. 245), the second for a bishop in the Coronation of Charlemagne in the Stanza dell’Incendio
(ibid., no. 376).
50 For this practice, see Ames-Lewis 1986, esp. pp.
36–38; Bambach 1999, esp. pp. 321–28.
51 Infrared reflectography is unable to detect car
bon-based spolvero marks beneath the chalk lines.
52 For the painting and Raphael’s ‘auxiliary cartoons’,
see Henry and Joannides 2012–13, pp. 57–63 and
162–77; for the painting in detail, see Meyer zur
Capellen 2005, no. 66.
53 Costamagna 2005.
54 For Raphael’s chalk technique, see Joannides 1983,
pp. 11–12; Ames-Lewis 1986, esp. pp. 101–24.
55 This may be related to the fact that it was quite
simple to make offprints or counter-proofs from
red chalk drawings, see Oberhuber 1986, p. 189;
for this practice, see chapter 3, note 65. When
already in Mantua, Giulio almost completely
abandoned chalk, and eliminated studies from the
preparatory process. Giulio adopted his workshop
practice from Raphael, but developed his own
variation, see Cox-Rearick 1999, pp. 15–23.
56 Joannides 1983; Zentai 1998; Henry and Joan
nides 2012–13. For its highly finished character,
the head study intended for Clement I with the
features of Pope Leo X is not comparable with
the Budapest drawing. Closer in style is the study
for the right arm of Saint Peter, today in the Art
Institute, Chicago, see Giles 1999.
57 Joannides 1983, no. 454. The drawing, primarily
because of the illumination from the right, is gen
erally related to Caritas, but it is also very close to
the Virgin in Raphael’s contemporary Madonna
and Child with Saint Anne and Saint John the Baptist, also known La Perla (Museo Nacional del
Prado, Madrid), see Henry and Joannides 2012–13,
nos. 50–52.
58 Joannides 1983, no. 453.
59 Ibid., no. 452. In common with the Oxford Caritas,
the attribution of the Frankfurt Caryatid is also
debated and difficult to judge because of its poor
state of preservation.
60 For the utilization of the cartoon from both sides,
see Bambach 1999, pp. 97–99.
61 See notes 13–15.
62 For this cartoon, truly rare in that it has survived
in its entirety, see Hartt 1958, no. 40; Vatican
1984–85, no. 118; for Giulio’s cartoons in general,
see Belluzzi 1998; for his fragmentary cartoons,
see Cox-Rearick 1999, p. 21, note 68.
63 For Giulio’s painting, see Meyer zur Capellen 2005,
no. A3 and most recently, Henry and Joannides
2012–13, nos. 25–28; for Giulio Romano’s inde
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ALBERT HERA

BATTISTA LENA Battista Lena started his guitar and musical studies

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- Corrado Zeni

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