Wikipedia Wikipedia 2011

Transcript

Italian War
of 1542–1546
1542 1546
Wikipedia 2011
General Articles about the War
Articles on the various Sieges and Battles of the War
Biographies of the Italian Warlords, John Dudley and Barbarossa
Wikipedia Article on French-Ottoman Alliance
William, Duke of Jülich-Cleves-Berg (engraving by Heinrich Aldegrever, c. 1540). William allied himself with Francis I, marrying
Jeanne d'Albret, but was defeated by Charles V.
Portrait of Claude d'Annebault (school of Jean Clouet, c. 1535). Despite having no experience in naval warfare, d'Annebault
commanded the French invasion fleet during the expedition against England.
Portrait of Alfonso d'Avalos, Marchese del Vasto, in Armor with a Page (oil on canvas by Titian, c. 1533). D'Avalos was defeated by
the French at the Battle of Ceresole, but won a later victory at the Battle of Serravalle.
Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk (oil on wood by Hans Holbein, 1539). Sent to France by Henry VIII, Norfolk commanded the
English troops during the unsuccessful Siege of Montreuil.
Battles and sieges in northern France and the Low Countries during the war
Coats of arms of Kingdom of France, of the famous Florentine family of the Strozzi. and Gonzaga
Ottoman depiction of the Siege of Nice (Matrakçı Nasuh, 16th century) File:French fleet with Barbarossa at the Siege of Nice
1543.jpg
The French fleet attacks the Isle of Wight (unknown artist, 16th century) File:The French fleet attacks Bembridge.jpg
Ratification of the Treaty of Ardres by Henry VIII (1546)
Henry of France by François Clouet. The Duke of Alba by Anthonis Mor. Francis I of France by Joos van Cleve.
Charles V enthroned over his defeated enemies (Giulio Clovio, mid-16th century). From left, the figures represent Suleiman the
Magnificent, Pope Clement VII, Francis I, the Duke of Cleves, the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse.
The Siege of Nice by a Franco-Ottoman fleet in 1543 (drawing by Toselli, after an engraving by Aeneas Vico)
Top: In the Siege of Nice in 1543, a combined Franco-Ottoman force captured the city. Bottom: Ottoman depiction of the siege of
Nice by Matrakçı Nasuh.
Letter of Suleiman to Francis I about the plans for the Siege of Nice, written in mid-February 1543. n the Mediterranean, active
naval collaboration took place between France and the Ottoman Empire to fight against Spanish forces, following a request by
Francis I, conveyed by Antoine Escalin des Aimars. The French forces, led by François de Bourbon, and the Ottoman forces, led
by Hayreddin Barbarossa, first joined at Marseilles in August 1543.[4] Although the Duchy of Savoy, of which Nice was a part,
had been a French protectorate for a century, Francis I chose to attack the city of Nice with the allied force, mainly because
Charles III, Duke of Savoy had angered him by marrying Beatrice of Portugal, thus becoming an ally of the Hapsburgs.[5]
François de Bourbon had already attempted to make a surprise attack on Nice once, but had been repulsed by Andrea Doria.[6]
Barbarossa's galley during his campaign in France,1543Istanbul Naval Museum.
Barbarossa's fleet wintering in the French harbour of Toulon, 1543.
French royal artillery (white flags, left) besieging Nice.
Ottoman landing in Villefranche.
Main landing at Nice.
Fort Mont Alban was built by Duke Emmanuel Philibert to reinforce coastal defenses following the siege of Nice.
Memorial in bas-relief to Catherine Ségurane A cannonball fired by the Turkish fleet, now at the corner of "Catherine Ségurane"
street, or "Rue Droite", in Nice. A plaque reads: "Cannonball from the Turkish fleet in 1543 during the siege of Nice, where Catherine
Ségurane, heroin of Nice, distinguished herself."[5]
Ottoman fleet in front of Genoa in 1544.
The
French galleys of Captain Polin in front of Pera at Constantinople in August 1544, drawn by Jérôme Maurand.
Suleyman receiving Barbarossa in Istanbul. The Toulon Cathedral was temporarily transformed into a Mosque
Catulaire des confréries de la Chapelle, with Ottoman head, Toulon, 1550.
Barbarossa's fleet wintering in the French harbour of Toulon, 1543, with the recently built Tour Royale (bottom right)..
Swiss mercenaries and landsknechts engaged in a push of pike (engraving by Hans Holbein the Younger, early 16th century)
The "Cowdray engraving" of the battle of the Solent Channel, c. 1545
A
hostile French fleet near the Isle of Wight in 1545.
The Italian Warlords: Alfonso d'Avalos - Andrea Doria - Piero Strozzi - Ferrante Gonzaga
Italian War of 1542–1546
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Date
Location
Result
1542–46
England, France, Italy, Spain, and the Low Countries
Inconclusive
France
Ottoman Empire
Jülich-Cleves-Berg
Empire of Charles V:
•
Spain
•
Holy Roman Empire
Kingdom of England
Saxony
Brandenburg
Commanders and leaders
Charles V
Francis I
Dauphin Henry
Duke of Orléans
Count of Enghien
Claude d'Annebault
Hayreddin Barbarossa
Alfonso d'Avalos
Ferrante Gonzaga
Henry VIII
Duke of Norfolk
Duke of Suffolk
Viscount Lisle
The Italian War of 1542–46 was a conflict late in the Italian Wars, pitting Francis I of France and Suleiman I of the Ottoman Empire
against the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V and Henry VIII of England. The course of the war saw extensive fighting in Italy, France,
and the Low Countries, as well as attempted invasions of Spain and England. The conflict was inconclusive and ruinously expensive
for the major participants. The war arose from the failure of the Truce of Nice, which ended the Italian War of 1536–38, to resolve the
long-standing conflict between Charles and Francis—particularly their conflicting claims to the Duchy of Milan. Having found a
suitable pretext, Francis once again declared war against his perpetual enemy in 1542. Fighting began at once throughout the Low
Countries; the following year saw the Franco-Ottoman alliance's attack on Nice, as well as a series of maneuvers in northern Italy
which culminated in the bloody Battle of Ceresole. Charles and Henry then proceeded to invade France, but the long sieges of
Boulogne-sur-Mer and Saint-Dizier prevented a decisive offensive against the French. Charles came to terms with Francis by the
Treaty of Crépy in late 1544, but the death of Francis's younger son, the Duke of Orléans—whose proposed marriage to a relative of
the Emperor was the cornerstone of the treaty—made it moot less than a year afterwards. Henry, left alone but unwilling to return
Boulogne to the French, continued to fight until 1546, when the Treaty of Ardres finally restored peace between France and England.
The deaths of Francis and Henry in early 1547 left the resolution of the Italian Wars to their heirs.
Prelude The Truce of Nice, which ended the Italian War of 1536–38, provided little resolution to the long conflict between the Holy
Roman Emperor and the King of France; although hostilities had ended, giving way to a cautious entente, neither monarch was
satisfied with the war's outcome. Francis continued to harbor a desire for the Duchy of Milan, to which he held a dynastic claim;
Charles, for his part, insisted that Francis comply at last with the terms of the Treaty of Madrid, which had been forced on the French
king during his captivity in Spain after the Italian War of 1521–26.[1] Other conflicting claims to various territories—Charles's to
Burgundy and Francis's to Naples and Flanders, among others—remained a matter of contention as well. Negotiations between the
two powers continued through 1538 and into 1539. In 1539, Francis invited Charles—who faced a rebellion in the Low Countries—to
travel through France on his way north from Spain.[2] Charles accepted, and was richly received; but while he was willing to discuss
religious matters with his host—the Protestant Reformation being underway—he delayed on the question of political differences, and
nothing had been decided by the time he left French territory.[3] In March 1540, Charles proposed to settle the matter by having Maria
of Spain marry Francis's younger son, the Duke of Orléans; the two would then inherit the Netherlands, Burgundy, and Charolais after
the Emperor's death.[4] Francis, meanwhile, was to renounce his claims to the duchies of Milan and Savoy, ratify the treaties of Madrid
and Cambrai, and join an alliance with Charles.[5] Francis, considering the loss of Milan too large a price to pay for future possession
of the Netherlands and unwilling to ratify the treaties in any case, made his own offer; on 24 April, he agreed to surrender the
Milanese claim in exchange for immediate receipt of the Netherlands.[6] The negotiations continued for weeks, but made no progress,
and were abandoned in June 1540.[7] Francis soon began gathering new allies to his cause. William, Duke of Jülich-Cleves-Berg, who
was engaged in a dispute with Charles over the succession in Guelders, sealed his alliance with Francis by marrying Francis's niece,
Jeanne d'Albret.[8] Francis sought an alliance with the Schmalkaldic League as well, but the League demurred; by 1542, the remaining
potential French allies in northern Germany had reached their own understandings with the Emperor.[9] French efforts farther east
were more fruitful, leading to a renewed Franco-Ottoman alliance; Suleiman I of the Ottoman Empire, seeking to distract Charles
from Ottoman advances in Hungary, encouraged the Franco-Imperial rift.[10] On 4 July 1541, however, the French ambassador to the
Ottoman court, Antoine de Rincon, was killed by Imperial troops as he was travelling near Pavia.[11] In response to Francis's protests,
Charles denied all responsibility, promising to conduct an inquiry with the assistance of the Pope; he had by now formed plans for a
campaign in North Africa, and wished to avoid further entanglements in Europe.[12] By the end of September 1541, Charles was in
Majorca, preparing an attack on Algiers; Francis, considering it impolitic to attack a fellow Christian who was fighting the Muslims,
promised not to declare war for as long as the Emperor was campaigning.[13] The Imperial expedition, however, was entirely
unsuccessful; storms scattered the invasion fleet soon after the initial landing, and Charles had returned to Spain with the remainder of
his troops by November.[14] On 8 March 1542, the new French ambassador, Antoine Escalin des Eymars, returned from
Constantinople with promises of Ottoman aid in a war against Charles.[15] Francis declared war on 12 July, naming various injuries as
the causes; among them was Rincon's murder, which he proclaimed "an injury so great, so detestable and so strange to those who bear
the title and quality of prince that it cannot be in any way forgiven, suffered or endured".[16]
Initial moves and the Treaty of Venlo The French immediately launched a two-front offensive against Charles. In the north, the
Duke of Orléans attacked Luxembourg, briefly capturing the city; in the south, a larger army under Claude d'Annebault and Francis's
eldest son, the Dauphin Henry, unsuccessfully besieged the city of Perpignan in northern Spain.[17] Francis himself was meanwhile in
La Rochelle, dealing with a revolt caused by popular discontent with a proposed reform of the gabelle tax.[18] By this point, relations
between Francis and Henry VIII were collapsing. Henry—already angered by the French refusal to pay the various pensions, which
were owed to him under the terms of past treaties—was now faced with the potential of French interference in Scotland, where he was
entangled in the midst of an attempt to marry his son to Mary, Queen of Scots, that would develop into the open warfare of the
"Rough Wooing".[19] He had intended to begin a war against Francis in the summer of 1543, but negotiating a treaty to that effect with
the Emperor proved difficult; since Henry was, in Charles's eyes, a schismatic, the Emperor could not promise to defend him against
attack, nor sign any treaty which referred to him as the head of the Church—both points upon which Henry insisted.[20] Negotiations
continued for weeks; finally, on 11 February 1543, Henry and Charles signed a treaty of offensive alliance, pledging to invade France
within two years.[21] In May 1543, Henry sent Francis an ultimatum threatening war within twenty days; and, on 22 June, at last
declared war.[22] Hostilities now flared up across northern France. On Henry's orders, Sir John Wallop crossed the Channel to Calais
with an army of 5,000 men, to be used in the defense of the Low Countries.[23] The French, under Antoine de Bourbon, Duke of
Vendôme, had captured Lillers in April; by June, d'Annebault had taken Landrecies as well.[24] Wilhelm of Cleves openly joined the
war on Francis's side, invading Brabant, and fighting began in Artois and Hainaut.[25] Francis inexplicably halted with his army near
Rheims; in the meantime, Charles attacked Wilhelm, invading the Duchy of Julich and capturing Düren.[26] Concerned about the fate
of his ally, Francis ordered the Duke of Orléans and d'Annebault to attack Luxembourg, which they took on 10 September; but it was
too late for Wilhelm, as he had already surrendered on 7 September, signing the Treaty of Venlo with Charles.[27] By the terms of this
treaty, Wilhelm was to concede the overlordship of Guelders and Zutphen to Charles, and to assist him in suppressing the
Reformation.[28] Charles now advanced to besiege Landrecies, seeking battle with Francis; but, after a brief standoff, Francis withdrew
to Saint-Quentin on 4 November, leaving the Emperor free to march north and seize Cambrai.[29]
Nice and Lombardy On the Mediterranean, meanwhile, other engagements were underway. In April 1543, the Sultan had placed
Hayreddin Barbarossa's fleet at the disposal of the French king. Barbarossa left the Dardanelles with more than a hundred galleys,
raided his way up the Italian coast, and in July arrived in Marseilles, where he was welcomed by François de Bourbon, Count of
Enghien, the commander of the French fleet.[30] On 6 August, the joint Franco-Ottoman fleet anchored off the Imperial city of Nice
and landed troops at Villefranche; a siege of the city followed.[31] Nice fell on 22 August, although the citadel held out until the siege
was lifted on 8 September.[32] Barbarossa was by this point becoming a liability; on 6 September, he had threatened to depart if he
were not given the means with which to resupply his fleet.[33] In response, Francis ordered that the population of Toulon—except for
"heads of households"—be expelled, and that the city then be given to Barbarossa, who used it as a base for his army of 30,000 for the
next eight months.[34] Yet Francis, increasingly embarrassed by the Ottoman presence, was unwilling to help Barbarossa recapture
Tunis; so the Ottoman fleet—accompanied by five French galleys under Antoine Escalin des Aimars—sailed for Istanbul in May
1544, pillaging the Neapolitan coast along the way.[35] In Piedmont, meanwhile, a stalemate had developed between the French, under
the Sieur de Boutières, and the Imperial army, under Alfonso d'Avalos; d'Avalos had captured the fortress of Carignano, and the
French had besieged it, hoping to force the Imperial army into a decisive battle. During the winter of 1543–44, Francis significantly
reinforced his army, placing Enghien in command. D'Avalos, also heavily reinforced, advanced to relieve Carignano; and, on 11 April
1544, Enghien and d'Avalos fought one of the few pitched battles of the period at Ceresole. Although the French were victorious, the
impending invasion of France itself by Charles and Henry forced Francis to recall much of his army from Piedmont, leaving Enghien
without the troops he needed to take Milan. D'Avalos's victory over an Italian mercenary army in French service at the Battle of
Serravalle in early June 1544 brought significant campaigning in Italy to an end.
France invaded On 31 December 1543, Henry and Charles had signed a treaty pledging to invade France in person by 20 June 1544;
each was to provide an army of no less than 35,000 infantry and 7,000 cavalry for the venture.[36] Against this Francis could muster
about 70,000 men in his various armies.[37] The campaign could not begin, however, until Henry and Charles had resolved their
personal conflicts with Scotland and the German princes, respectively.[38] On 15 May, Henry was informed by the Edward Seymour,
Earl of Hertford, that, after his raids, Scotland was no longer in a position to threaten him; he then began to make preparations for a
personal campaign in France—against the advice of his council and the Emperor, who believed that his presence would be a
hindrance.[39] Charles had meanwhile reached an understanding with the princes at the Diet of Speyer, and the Electors of Saxony and
Brandenburg had agreed to join his invasion of France.[40]By May 1544, two Imperial armies were massed to invade France: one,
under Ferrante Gonzaga, Viceroy of Sicily, north of Luxemburg; the other, under Charles himself, in the Palatinate.[41] On 25 May,
Gonzaga captured Luxembourg and moved towards Commercy and Ligny, issuing a proclamation that the Emperor had come to
overthrow "a tyrant allied to the Turks".[42] On 8 July, Gonzaga besieged Saint-Dizier; Charles and the second Imperial army soon
joined him.[43] Henry, meanwhile, had sent an army of some 40,000 men to Calais under the joint command of Thomas Howard, Duke
of Norfolk, and Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.[44] While Henry continued to squabble with the Emperor over the goals of the
campaign and his own presence in France, this massive army moved slowly and aimlessly into French territory.[45] Finally, Henry
decided that the army was to be split. Norfolk, ordered to besiege Ardres or Montreuil, advanced towards the latter; but he proved
unable to mount an effective siege, complaining of inadequate supplies and poor organization.[46] Suffolk was ordered to attack
Boulogne; on 14 July, Henry crossed to Calais and moved to join him.[47] A siege of Boulogne began on 19 July—despite the protests
of the Emperor, who insisted that Henry should advance towards Paris.[48] Charles himself, on the other hand, was still delayed at
Saint-Dizier; the city, fortified by Girolamo Marini and defended by Louis IV de Bueil, Count of Sancerre, continued to hold out
against the massive Imperial army.[49] On 24 July, Charles captured Vitry-le-François, from which French forces had harassed his
supply lines; finally, on 8 August, the defenders of Saint-Dizier, running low on supplies, sought terms.[50] On 17 August, the French
capitulated, and were permitted by the Emperor to leave the city with banners flying; their resistance for 41 days had broken the
Imperial offensive.[51] Some of Charles's advisers suggested withdrawing, but he was unwilling to lose face and continued to move
towards Châlons, although the Imperial army was prevented from advancing across the Marne by a French force waiting at Jâlons.[52]
The Imperial troops marched rapidly through Champagne, capturing Épernay, Châtillon-sur-Marne, Château-Thierry, and Soissons.[53]
The French made no attempts to intercept Charles. Troops under Jacques de Montgomery, Sieur de Lorges, sacked Lagny-sur-Marne,
whose citizens had allegedly rebelled; but no attempt was made to engage the advancing Imperial army.[54] Paris was gripped by
panic, although Francis insisted that the population had nothing to fear.[55] Charles finally halted his advance and turned back on 11
September.[56] Henry, meanwhile, was personally directing the besiegers at Boulogne; the town fell in early September, and a breach
was made into the castle on 11 September.[57] The defenders finally surrendered a few days later.[58]
Treaty of Crépy Charles, short on funds and needing to deal with increasing religious unrest in Germany, asked Henry to continue
his invasion or to allow him to make a separate peace.[59] By the time Henry had received the Emperor's letter, however, Charles had
already concluded a treaty with Francis—the Peace of Crépy—which was signed by representatives of the monarchs at Crépy-enLaonnais in Picardie on 18 September 1544.[60] The treaty had been promoted at the French court by the Emperor's sister, Queen
Eleanor, and by Francis's mistress, the Duchess of Étampes. By its terms, Francis and Charles would each abandon their various
conflicting claims and restore the status quo of 1538; the Emperor would relinquish his claim to the Duchy of Burgundy and the King
of France would do the same for the Kingdom of Naples, as well as renouncing his claims as suzerain of Flanders and Artois.[61] The
Duke of Orléans would marry either Charles's daughter Mary or his niece Anna; the choice was to be made by Charles. In the first
case, the bride would receive the Netherlands and Franche-Comté as a dowry; in the second, Milan. Francis, meanwhile, was to grant
the duchies of Bourbon, Châtellerault, and Angoulême to his son; he would also abandon his claims to the territories of the Duchy of
Savoy, including Piedmont and Savoy itself. Finally, Francis would assist Charles against the Ottomans—but not, officially, against
the heretics in his own domains.[62] A second, secret accord was also signed; by its terms, Francis would assist Charles with reforming
the church, with calling a General Council, and with suppressing Protestantism—by force if necessary.[63] The treaty was poorly
received by the Dauphin, who felt that his brother was being favored over him, by Henry VIII, who believed that Charles had betrayed
him, and also by the Sultan.[64] Francis would fulfill some of the terms; but the death of the Duke of Orléans in 1545 rendered the
treaty moot.[65]
Boulogne and England The conflict between Francis and Henry continued. The Dauphin's army advanced on Montreuil, forcing
Norfolk to raise the siege; Henry himself returned to England at the end of September 1544, ordering Norfolk and Suffolk to defend
Boulogne.[66] The two dukes quickly disobeyed this order and withdrew the bulk of the English army to Calais, leaving some 4,000
men to defend the captured city.[67] The English army, outnumbered, was now trapped in Calais; the Dauphin, left unopposed,
concentrated his efforts on besieging Boulogne.[68] On 9 October, a French assault nearly captured the city, but was beaten back when
the troops prematurely turned to looting.[69] Peace talks were attempted at Calais without result; Henry refused to consider returning
Boulogne, and insisted that Francis abandon his support of the Scots.[70] Charles, who had been appointed as a mediator between
Francis and Henry, was meanwhile drawn into his own disputes with the English king.[71]Francis now embarked on a more dramatic
attempt to force Henry's hand—an attack on England itself. For this venture, an army of more than 30,000 men was assembled in
Normandy, and a fleet of some 400 vessels prepared at Le Havre, all under the command of Claude d'Annebault.[72] On 31 May 1545,
a French expeditionary force landed in Scotland.[73] In early July, the English under John Dudley, Viscount Lisle, mounted an attack
on the French fleet, but had little success due to poor weather; nevertheless, the French suffered from a string of accidents:
d'Annebault's first flagship burned, and his second ran aground.[74] Finally leaving Le Havre on 16 July, the massive French fleet
entered the Solent on 19 July and briefly engaged the English fleet, to no apparent effect; the major casualty of the skirmish, the Mary
Rose, sank accidentally.[75] The French landed on the Isle of Wight on 21 July, and again at Seaford on 25 July, but these operations
were abortive, and the French fleet soon returned to blockading Boulogne.[76] D'Annebault made a final sortie near Beachy Head on
15 August, but retired to port after a brief skirmish.[77]
Treaty of Ardres By September 1545, the war was a virtual stalemate; both sides, running low on funds and troops, unsuccessfully
sought help from the German Protestants.[78] Henry, Francis, and Charles attempted extensive diplomatic maneuvering to break the
deadlock; but none of the three trusted the others, and this had little practical effect.[79] In January 1546, Henry sent the Earl of
Hertford to Calais, apparently preparing for an offensive; but one failed to materialize.[80] Francis could not afford to resume a largescale war, and Henry was concerned only for the disposition of Boulogne. Negotiations between the two resumed on 6 May.[81] On 7
June 1546, the Treaty of Ardres—also known as the Treaty of Camp—was signed by Claude d'Annebault, Pierre Ramon, and
Guillaume Bochetel on behalf of Francis, and Viscount Lisle, Baron Paget and Nicholas Wotton on behalf of Henry.[82] By its terms,
Henry would retain Boulogne until 1554, then return it in exchange for two million écus; in the meantime, neither side would
construct fortifications in the region, and Francis would resume payment of Henry's pensions. Upon hearing the price demanded for
Boulogne, the Imperial ambassador told Henry that the city would remain in English hands permanently.[83] The sixteenth article of
the treaty made Scotland a party to the new peace, and Henry pledged not to attack the Scots again without cause.[84] This gave
Scotland a respite from the War of the Rough Wooing, but the fighting would recommence 18 months later.[85]
Aftermath Exorbitantly expensive, the war was the costliest conflict of both Francis's and Henry's reigns.[86] In England, the need for
funds led to what Elton terms "an unprecedented burden of taxation", as well as the systematic debasement of coinage.[87] Francis also
imposed a series of new taxes and instituted several financial reforms.[88] He was not, therefore, in a position to assist the German
Protestants, who were now engaged in the Schmalkaldic War against the Emperor; by the time any French aid was to be forthcoming,
Charles had already won his victory at the Battle of Muhlberg.[89] As for Suleiman, the conclusion of the Truce of Adrianople in 1547
brought his own struggle against the Habsburgs to a temporary halt.[90] Henry VIII died on 28 January 1547; on 31 March, Francis
followed.[91] Henry's successors continued his entanglements in Scotland. When, in 1548, friction with the Scots led to the resumption
of hostilities around Boulogne, they decided to avoid a two-front war by returning the city four years early, in 1550.[92] The causes of
the war themselves—chiefly, the contested dynastic claims in Italy—remained unresolved until the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis ended
the Italian War of 1551–59 and six decades conflict.
Notes
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^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 385–387.
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^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 391–393. Knecht writes that "the Emperor's itinerary from Loches northwards had
evidently been devised to show him the principal artistic achievements of [Francis's] reign.... no expense had been spared to
make his stay memorable" (Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 392).
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 394. The proposal specified, however, that the territories would revert to the
Habsburg line if Mary died childless. Several other marriages between the Habsburg and Valois were also considered—
notably one between Charles's son Phillip and Jeanne d'Albret.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 394. Knecht, citing Brandi, terms the proposed alliance "a league in defence of
Christendom" (Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 394).
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 395. The failure of the negotiations led to the downfall of Anne de Montmorency,
who had been their chief proponent; for more details, see Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 395–397.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 396.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 478. Among other factors, the German Protestants were critical of the treatment
accorded to the Huguenots in France.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 479. Also killed was one Cesare Fregoso, a diplomat in French employ on his way
to Venice.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 479. The Pope's intervention was requested by Francis himself.
^ Arnold, Renaissance at War, 144–145; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 479. The Imperial troops abandoned their
horses—those they had not been forced to eat—and their guns as they evacuated.
^ Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 72; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 479–480.
^ Black, European Warfare, 80; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 72; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 480.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 480. For more details of the gabelle revolt, see Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 480–
483.
^ Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 388–389. The matter of royal style was finally resolved by referring to Henry as
"Defender of the Faith, etc." in the final documents.
^ Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 72; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 486; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 388–389.
^ Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 72; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 486; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 389. Elton
argues that the only explanation for this move is that Henry believed his Scottish entanglements to be concluded (Elton,
England Under the Tudors, 194).
^ Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 389.
^ Black, European Warfare, 80; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 487.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 487. Wilhelm's surrender made his marriage to Jeanne d'Albret pointless, and it
was annulled in 1545.
^ Blockmans and Prevenier, Promised Lands, 232; Hughes, Early Modern Germany, 57.
^ Arnold, Renaissance at War, 180; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 487–488.
^ Arnold, Renaissance at War, 180; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 72–73; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 489.
The Ottomans opened a mosque and a slave market in the city, shocking European observers—who were, however,
favorably impressed by the strict discipline of the Ottoman troops.
^ Crowley, Empires of the Sea, 75–79; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 489; Setton, Papacy and the Levant, 472–
473. Knecht gives the date of the fleet's departure as 23 May, while Setton cites 26 May. Setton also notes that the Sultan,
told by the French ambassador of the affair, "promised to pay for the supplies with which his fleet had been furnished"
(Setton, Papacy and the Levant, 473).
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 490; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 389.
^ The number was a record high for the whole century; see John A. Lynn, "Recalculating French Army Growth
during the Grand Siêcle, 1610–1715", in Rogers, Military Revolution, 117–148.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 490; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 393–394.
^ Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 73; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 490. Francis attempted to dispatch an
embassy to the Diet, but was denied a safe-conduct; Knecht writes that his herald "was sent home after being told that he
deserved to be hanged" (Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 490).
^ Black, European Warfare, 81; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 491; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 394.
^ Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 394. Scarisbrick relates that Norfolk wrote to the Privy Council that "he had expected to
know, before this, where he was supposed to be going" (Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 394).
^ Black, European Warfare, 81; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 491; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 394–395.
47.
^ Elton, England Under the Tudors, 195; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 491; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 395. Henry
could not ride, and was carried in a litter; Elton notes that "at fifty-four Henry was in fact an old man" (Elton, England Under
the Tudors, 195).
48.
^ Arnold, Renaissance at War, 180; Black, European Warfare, 81; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 491; Scarisbrick,
Henry VIII, 395.
49.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 491. Knecht notes that Marini was "one of the best military engineers of his day"
(Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 491).
50.
51.
^ Arnold, Renaissance at War, 180; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 491.
52.
53.
54.
^ Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 73; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 492.
55.
56.
57.
^ Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 395. Henry apparently greatly enjoyed the proceedings of the siege.
58.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 493; Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 47; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 395.
59.
60.
61.
^ Armstrong, Emperor Charles V, 28.
62.
^ Armstrong, Emperor Charles V, 28–29; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 74; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 493.
Charles was to make the choice of bride within four months of the treaty.
63.
^ Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 74; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 493. Blockmans notes that Francis pledged to
provide 10,000 infantry and 400 cavalry to Charles for a venture against the Protestants.
64.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 493–494; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 396. Knecht, citing Rozet, Lembey, and
Charriere, notes that the Sultan "nearly had the French ambassador impaled" (Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 494).
65.
66.
^ Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 395–396.
67.
^ Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 47; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 396–397.
68.
^ Elton, England Under the Tudors, 195; Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 47, 51–52; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 397.
69.
^ Arnold, Renaissance at War, 180; Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 48–50.
70.
71.
72.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 502; Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 50–51. Although d'Annebault bore the title
of "Admiral", he had no experience in naval warfare.
73.
74.
75.
^ Elton, England Under the Tudors, 195; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 502; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 401.
76.
77.
78.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 502–503; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 399–400.
79.
80.
81.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 503; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 408.
82.
^ Gairdner and Brodie, Letters & Papers, 507–9.
83.
84.
^ Elton, England Under the Tudors, 195; Gairdner and Brodie, Letters & Papers, 508; Knecht, Renaissance
Warrior, 503; Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 52; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 409.
85.
^ Merriman, Rough Wooings, 163.
86.
^ Elton, England Under the Tudors, 195; Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 503. The English war effort cost nearly two
million pounds. Francis had needed more than two million écus for his navy alone, and was spending almost 250,000 écus
per year on new fortifications.
87.
^ Elton, England Under the Tudors, 195.
88.
89.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 517–518. Knecht writes that "in November [1546], Annebault declared that the
imperial alliance needed to be preserved at all costs, regardless of the Protestants. By January 1547, however, the military
situation had become so ominous for the Protestants that Francis saw the need to strengthen their hand" (Knecht,
Renaissance Warrior, 518).
90.
^ Kinross, Ottoman Centuries, 234–235.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 541–542; Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 52.
91.
92.
^ Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 52.
References
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Italian Wars
Italian Wars portal
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Armstrong, Edward. The Emperor Charles V. Volume 2. London: Macmillan and Co., 1902.
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Arnold, Thomas F. The Renaissance at War. Smithsonian History of Warfare, edited by John Keegan. New York:
Smithsonian Books / Collins, 2006. ISBN 0-06-089195-5.
Black, Jeremy. "Dynasty Forged by Fire". MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History 18, no. 3 (Spring 2006): 34–43.
ISSN 1040-5992.
———. European Warfare, 1494–1660. Warfare and History, edited by Jeremy Black. London: Routledge, 2002. ISBN 0415-27532-6.
Blockmans, Wim. Emperor Charles V, 1500–1558. Translated by Isola van den Hoven-Vardon. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2002. ISBN 0-340-73110-9.
Blockmans, Wim and Walter Prevenier. The Promised Lands: The Low Countries Under Burgundian Rule, 1369–1530.
Translated by Elizabeth Fackelman. Edited by Edward Peters. The Middle Ages Series, edited by Ruth Mazo Karras.
Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999. ISBN 0-8122-1382-3.
Crowley, Roger. Empires of the Sea: The Siege of Malta, the Battle of Lepanto, and the Contest for the Center of the World.
New York: Random House, 2008.
Elton, G. R. England Under the Tudors. A History of England, edited by Felipe Fernández-Armesto. London: The Folio
Society, 1997.
Gairdner, James and R. H. Brodie, eds. Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. Vol. 21, part
1. London, 1908.
Hall, Bert S. Weapons and Warfare in Renaissance Europe: Gunpowder, Technology, and Tactics. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1997. ISBN 0-8018-5531-4.
Hughes, Michael. Early Modern Germany, 1477–1806. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1992. ISBN 0-81221427-7.
Kinross, Patrick Balfour. The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire. New York: HarperCollins, 1977.
ISBN 0-688-08093-6.
Knecht, Robert J. Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
ISBN 0-521-57885-X.
Merriman, Marcus. The Rough Wooings: Mary Queen of Scots, 1542–1551. East Linton: Tuckwell Press, 2000. ISBN 186232-090-X.
Oman, Charles. A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century. London: Methuen & Co., 1937.
Phillips, Charles and Alan Axelrod. Encyclopedia of Wars. Vol. 2. New York: Facts on File, 2005. ISBN 0-8160-2851-6.
Phillips, Gervase. "Testing the 'Mystery of the English'". MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History 19, no. 3 (Spring
2007): 44–54. ISSN 1040-5992.
Rogers, Clifford J., ed. The Military Revolution Debate: Readings on the Military Transformation of Early Modern Europe.
Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1995. ISBN 0-8133-2054-2.
Scarisbrick, J. J. Henry VIII. London: The Folio Society, 2004.
Setton, Kenneth M. The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571). Vol. 3, The sixteenth century to the reign of Julius III.
Philadelphia: The American Philosophical Society, 1984. ISBN 0-87169-161-2.
Sieges and
Battles
Siege of Perpignan.(1542). Naval battle of Muros Bay (25. 7.1543). Naval Siege of Nice (22 August 1543). Düren. Battle of
Ceresole.(11 April 1544). Battle of Serravalle (2-4 June 1544). Siege of St. Dizier (13 July - 17 August 1544).
Lagny-sur-Marne. Montreuil. 1st siege of Boulogne (19 July - 15 September 1544). 2nd siege of Boulogne (9 October 1544). Naval
Battle of Solent Channel (18 July 1545). French Invasion of the Isle of Wight (18 July 1545). Battle of Bonchurch (21 July 1545).
Skirmish at Beachy Head (15 August 1545)
Siege of Perpignan 1542
1542
Perpignan, Crown of Aragon, Spain (present-day France)
Decisive Spanish victory[1][2]
Date
Location
Result
Belligerents
Kingdom of France
Supported by the:
Ottoman Empire
•
•
Jülich-Cleves-Berg
Spain
Holy Roman Empire
Dauphin of France
Duke of Alba
Strength
[1][2]
40,000 men
Unknown
Casualties and losses
Thousands
of
or wounded[1][2]
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
dead,
sick
Unknown, but minor[2]
The Siege of Perpignan took place in 1542, at Perpignan (Spanish: Perpiñán), between a larger French army commanded by Henry,
Dauphin of France and the Spanish garrison at Perpignan.[1] The Spaniards resisted until the arrival of the Spanish army under Don
Fernando Álvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba, causing the withdrawal of the French army.[1][2] The siege was one of the costliest defeats
of Francis I in the French offensive of 1542.[2]
French offensive of 1542 In June, 1541, Francis I of France, allied with the United Duchies of Jülich-Cleves-Berg, the Ottoman
Empire, Denmark and Sweden, made a show of the power at his disposal, by arriving with five armies.[3][4][5] Francis declared war on
12 July, 1542, and the French immediately launched a offensive with the five French armies against Charles.[4][6] One of them,
commanded by his son Charles, Duke of Orléans went to Luxembourg.[3] Another, led by Francis's eldest son, Henry, Dauphin of
France, marched to Roussillon towards the frontiers of Spain.[4] The third, commanded by Marshal Maarten van Rossum marched
over Brabant, the fourth under the Duke of Vendôme to the Netherlands, and the fifth went to the Piedmont commanded by the
Marshall of France Claude d'Annebault.[4] The result of this new offensive was another failure for Francis I.[4] In Flanders, the army of
Maarten van Rossum, supported by a German army under the Duke of Jülich-Cleves-Berg, came up against a strong Spanish-Imperial
defense of Leuven and Antwerp.[4] The Duke of Orleans attacked Luxembourg, and in the meantime, in Piedmont, the French army
only managed to grab some towns due to the cunning of Claude d'Annebault.[4]
In southern France, in Roussillon, the army commanded by Henry, Dauphin of France, consisting of 40,000 men, supported by the
army of Marshall Claude d'Annebault, laid siege to Perpignan, after losing valuable time which was used by the Emperor Charles to
strengthen the towns of Salses, Fuenterrabía and Perpignan.[2][6]
Siege of Perpignan Perpignan had been reinforced by the Emperor, which was held by several nobles of Castile and their troops, and
also several hundred Spanish veteran soldiers.[2] Henry, who thought it would be an easy conquest, encountered fierce resistance.[1] In
a clever move of the Spanish, the defenders led by the Captains Cervellón and Machichaco, attacked by surprise to the French
besiegers[1] and destroyed most of the heavy artillery[1] with which it had already begun to damage the walls, causing a severe blow to
the French army.[1] After many hardships for the French, and without any hope that the Ottoman Empire would help them, the town
was eventually relieved by the army of the Duke of Alba, forcing to the French commander, the Dauphin of France, to lift the siege,
prompting the withdrawal of the French.[2] The siege incurred a very heavy loss in dead, sick and wounded among the French ranks,
becoming a resounding French failure.[2]
Consequences When the Emperor's power seemed broken after the African disaster, Francis I was far from reaping the benefits of an
effort that ended up being rather costly, and he couldn't reply with the reputation he had acquired throughout Europe.[2] The two
monarchs Charles I of Spain and Francis I of France, used up the remainder of the year to prepare new campaigns. On the French part,
Frances I did everything possible to obtain military support from the Ottoman Empire, persuading Suleiman the Magnificent to return
to Hungary and attack Charles of Austria's possessions, while the Ottoman Admiral, Hayreddin Barbarossa, attacked the Spanish and
Italian coasts.[7] In Europe, the French, under Antoine de Bourbon, Duke of Vendôme, captured Lillers in April, and Marshall Claude
d'Annebault had taken Landrecies.[8] Wilhelm of Cleves, invaded Brabant, and the fight began in Artois and Hainaut.[8][9] King Francis
inexplicably halted with his army near Rheims; in the meantime, Charles attacked Wilhelm, invading the Duchy of Julich and
capturing Düren.[9] The Duke of Orléans captured Luxembourg on 10 September, but the French conquest was useless, and
Luxembourg was recaptured by the Imperial troops under the Prince of Orange.[4] The Duke of Jülich-Cleves-Berg surrendered on 7
September, signing the Treaty of Venlo with the Emperor.[9]
Notes
^ a b c d e f g h i Lucas Alamán p.337
^ a b c d e f g h i j k Lafuente p.210
^ a b Lafuente p.208
^ a b c d e f g h Lafuente p.209
^ Knecht p.479
^ a b Knecht p.480
^ Lafuente p.211
8.
9.
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
^ a b Knecht p.486
^ a b c Knecht p.487
References
Jeremy Black. European Warfare (1494–1660). Warfare and History. London: Routledge (2002) ISBN 0-415-27532-6.
(Spanish) Modesto Lafuente. Historia General de España (Volume 12) [1]
(Spanish) Lucas Alamán. Diccionario universal de historia y de geografía (1855) [2]
Hughes, Michael. Early Modern Germany (1477–1806). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press (1992) ISBN 08122-1427-7.
Denieul-Cormier, Anne. The Renaissance in France. Trans. Anne and Christopher Fremantle. London: George Allen and
Unwin Ltd 1969.
Knecht, Robert J. Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1994)
ISBN 0-521-57885-X.
Hall, Bert S. Weapons and Warfare in Renaissance Europe: Gunpowder, Technology, and Tactics. Baltimore: Johns
Battle of Muros Bay 1543
View of the Estuary of Muros and Noya.
Date
Location
Result
25 July 1543
Estuary of Muros, A Coruña, Spain
Decisive Spanish victory[1]
Belligerents
France
Spain
Jean de Clamorgan
Álvaro de Bazán the Elder
Strength
25 warships
16 warships
More than 3,000 casualties[2]
3,000 prisoners[3]
23 ships captured[4]
1 ship sunk (Flagship)[4]
300 dead and 500 wounded[4]
The Battle of Muros Bay (Spanish: Batalla de Muros) took place on 25 July 1543, during the Italian War of 1542–1546, between the
French fleet under Jean de Clamorgan, Lord of Soane and the Spanish fleet commanded by Don Álvaro de Bazán, 1st Marquis of
Viso, father of Don Álvaro de Bazán, 1st Marquis of Santa Cruz, who was also present at the battle being no more than 18 years old.[5]
This battle is considered to be the first big Atlantic naval battle.[6]
Background In 1541, Francis I of France violated the Truce of Nice and again declared war on Spain, allied with the Ottoman
Empire, Denmark and Sweden. Because of this he prepared to enlist an army to fight the Spanish and English navies. The King
himself went to the port of Le Havre to oversee the preparations for repelling any English attack.Meanwhile, Vice Admiral De Bury
instructed the assembly of a second fleet to attack Spain, he enlisted in the ports of Bayonne and Bordeaux, as at this time the Spanish
presence in the Bay of Biscay was very small. The Emperor Charles, fearing action in these waters, designated Don Álvaro de Bazán,
to proceed to the Bay of Biscay and assemble a fleet to try to prevent the French attack. Don Álvaro formed a fleet of vessels from
Guipuzcoa and Vizcaya, stationing his operations base outside the port of Laredo, within reach of attacking both the French and
Cantabrian coast. Don Álvaro was ordered to transport a body of infantry to Flanders, so he had to split the fleet, and fifteen of their
ships made the transportation of troops to the city of Bruges, where the infantry was landed at the end of June. Just then, the French
finished their preparations, so that with thirty ships, which had been reinforced with 550 specially chosen arquebusiers,[7] it sailed
from the port of Bayonne due west to attack the Spanish coast.[4] Although the French fleet had been enlisted by Vice-Admiral De
Burye, it was at the time under the command of France's greatest seaman, Jean de Clamorgan. The French fleet, on course to approach
the coasts of Galicia, captured two Spanish merchant ships, an error which alerted the Governor at the time, Don Sancho de Leyva,
who immediately sent emissaries to Bazán warning of the presence of the fleet and its course. Bazán, having been detached from his
army and especially the soldiers sent to Flanders at that time, was doing his best to finish fitting out his ships, as he only had at his
disposal a few thousand soldiers. Reading the messages of Leiva, he sent for reinforcements, and was quickly reinforced with 500
arquebusiers.[4] On 10 July, the French fleet passed through the waters of Laredo. Thinking that there were no Spanish ships in the
area, looted the villages of Lage, Corcubión and more ports found on course, arriving at Cape Finisterre, finally throwing her anchor
out at Muros where they demanded a ransom in exchange for not scorching the city. Given the sensitivity of the situation, sailing as
fast as he could to get to Muros in as short a time as possible and catch the French off guard.
The Battle The French remained at anchor in front of Muros when the fleet of the Marquis of Viso came over to them at full speed.
He only had 16 ships, which were all that he could enlist and equip, but were, apparently, the largest available at the time, giving him
a certain advantage over the 25 French ships. As it was 25 July, the Festivity of St. James, Patrón de España, Bazán harangued his
troops by pointing out that it was impossible for the Spanish to lose a battle on this particular day. The Spanish troops attacked with
such a raging fervour, that the French, were overwhelmed in a short time. Don Álvaro turned to aim his flagship against the French
Admiral which was positioned next to the corsair Hallebarde, he fought bitterly against them both with such a raging fury, as there
were over a hundred men who were still, hors de combat in the Spanish ship. Seeing as the enemy had the advantage, Don Álvaro
took advantage of a gust of wind which gave him the momentum necessary to charge Clamorgan's ship with such force and skill that
he managed to sink it. Once he had sunk Clamorgan's ship, Don Álvaro then turned his attentions solely to Hallebarde's ship, which
was finally boarded and captured.
Aftermath Although the fighting was fierce, lasting a total of just under two hours, at the end of which the French were completely
defeated. Of the 25 ships that made up the French fleet, only one escaped. The French casualties exceeded 3,000, but the Spanish a
further 800, of which only 300 were killed.[4] The news of the victory reached the ears of the Emperor and his son, Prince Philip, who
were satisfied with the great victory obtained by the Marquis of Viso. With the defeat of the fleet, the French, no longer posed a threat
to the coastal towns of northern Spain and the Spanish obtained complete control of the Cantabrian Sea.[1]
Notes
1.
^ a b Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval p.273
2.
^ The French casualties exceeded 3,000. Historia y Cultura Naval p.272
3.
^ Rodríguez González p.25
4.
^ a b c d e f Historia y Cultura Naval p.272
5.
^ Fernández de Navarrete (Vol1) p.7
6.
^ R. Thorp/J. Slavin p.206
7.
^ Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval p.270
References
• Arthur J. Slavin/Malcolm R. Thorp. Politics Religion & Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe Essays in Honor of De Lamar
Jensen Sixteenth Century Journal Publishers. (1994)
• (Spanish) Fernández Duro, Cesáreo. La Armada Española, desde la unión de los Reinos de Castilla y Aragón. Museo Naval.
Madrid. (1973).
• (Spanish) Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval, Armada Española, La Batalla de Muros (1542–1555).
• Blockmans, Wim. Emperor Charles V (1500–1558). Translated by Isola van den Hoven-Vardon. New York: Oxford
University Press (2002) ISBN 0-340-73110-9
• (Spanish) Martín Fernández de Navarrete, D. Álvaro de Bazán, primer Marqués de Santa Cruz. Biografías de Marinos y
Descubridores.
• (Spanish) Rodríguez González, Agustín Ramón, Victorias por Mar de los Españoles. Grafite Ediciones (2006). ISBN
9788496281387
• VV.AA. Enciclopedia General del Mar. Garriga. (1957).
• Knecht, Robert J. Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1994)
ISBN 0-521-57885-X
Siege of Nice 1543
Date
Location
Result
22 August 1543[1]
Nice
Ottomans and French capture Nice, apart from the citadel.
Belligerents
Holy Roman Empire
House of Savoy
Ottoman Empire
France
Suleiman the Magnificent
Khayr ad-Din Barbarossa
Charles III, Duke of Savoy
Francis I
Salih Reis
François de Bourbon
Andrea Doria
Strength
100 galleys
30,000 soldiers
50 galleys
4 galleys 5,000 captives.
The Siege of Nice occurred in 1543 and was part of the Italian War of 1542–46 in which Francis I and Suleiman the Magnificent
collaborated in a Franco-Ottoman alliance against the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, and Henry VIII of England. At that time, Nice
was under the control of the Charles III, Duke of Savoy, an ally of Charles V.[2] This is part of the 1543-1544 Mediterranean
campaign of Barbarossa.[3]
The siege
Arrival of the Ottoman fleet Following an agreement between France I and Suleyman, through the intervention of the French
ambassador in Istanbul Polin, a fleet of 110 galleys under Hayreddin Barbarossa left from the Sea of Marmara in mid-May 1543.[7] He
then raided the coasts of Sicilia and Southern Italy through the month of June, anchoring in front of Rome at the mouth of the Tiber
on June 29, while Polin wrote reinsurances that attacks against Rome would not take place.[7] Barbarossa arrived with his fleet,
accompanied by the French Ambassador Polin, at Île Saint-Honorat on July 5th. As almost nothing had been prepared on the French
side to assist the Ottoman fleet, Polin was dispatched to meet with Francis I at Marolles and ask him for support. Meanwhile,
Barbarossa went to the harbour of Toulon on July 10th, and then was received with honours at the harbour of Marseilles on July 21st,
where he joined the French forces under the Governor of Marseille, François, Count of Enghien.[8][7] The combined fleet sailed out of
Marseille on the 5th of August.[9]
Siege The Ottoman force first landed at Villefranche, 6 kilometers east of Nice, which it took and destroyed.[10] The French and
Ottoman forces then collaborated to attack the city of Nice on 6 August 1543.[11][12] In this action 110 Ottoman galleys combined with
50 French ones.[13] The Franco-Ottomans were confronted by a stiff resistance which gave rise to the story of Catherine Ségurane,
culminating with a major battle on 15 August, but the city surrendered on 22 August. The French prevented the Ottomans from
sacking the city.[14] They could not however take the castle, the "Château de Cimiez", apparently because the French were unable to
supply sufficient gunpowder to their Ottoman allies.[15][16][14] Another important battle against the castle took place on 8 September,
but the force finally retreated upon learning that an Imperial army was on the move to meet them: Duke Charles III, ruler of the
Duchy of Savoy, had raised an army in Piedmont to free the city.[17] The last night before leaving, Barbarossa plundered the city,
burned parts of it, and took 5,000 captives.[18] The relief army, transported on ships by Andrea Doria, landed at Villefranche, and
successfully made its way to the Nice citadel.[7] During the campaign, Barbarossa is known to have complained about the state of the
French ships and the inappropriateness of their equipment and stores.[15] He famously said "Are you seamen to fill your casks with
wine rather than powder?".[19] He nevertheless displayed great reluctance to attack Andrea Doria when the latter was put in difficulty
after landing the relief army, losing 4 galleys in a storm.[7] It has been suggested that there was some tacit agreement between
Barbarossa and Doria on this occasion.[7]
Catherine Ségurane Catherine Ségurane (Catarina Ségurana in the Niçard dialect of Provençal) is a folk heroine of the city of Nice,
France who is said to have played a decisive role in repelling the city's siege by Turkish invaders allied with Francis I, the Siege of
Nice, in the summer of 1543. At the time, Nice was part of Savoy, independent from France, and had no standing military to defend it.
Most versions of the tale have Catherine Ségurane, a common washerwoman, leading the townspeople into battle. Legend has it that
she knocked out a standard bearer with her beater and took his flag. However, according to one commonly told story, Catherine took
the lead in defending the city by standing before the invading forces and exposing her bare bottom. This is said to have so repulsed the
Turkish infantry's Muslim sense of decency that they turned and fled. However, in Turkish culture, the practice of "mooning" is
considered odd or absurdly immoral but never offensive and most probably as a sexual teasing, especially when performed by a
female. Catherine's existence has never been definitively proven, and her heroic act of mooning is likely pure fiction or highly
exaggerated; Jean Badat, a historian who stood witness to the siege, made no mention of her involvement in the defense. Historically
attested defense of Nice include the townspeople's destruction of a key bridge and the arrival of an army mustered by a Savoyard
duke, Charles III. Nevertheless, the legend of Catherine Ségurane has excited the local imagination. Louis Andrioli wrote an epic
poem about her in 1808, and a play dedicated to her story was written by Jean-Baptiste Toselli in 1878. In 1923, a bas-relief
monument to Catherine was erected near the supposed location of her feat. In Nice, Catherine Segurane Day is celebrated annually,
concurrent with St. Catherine's Day on November 25.
Ottoman wintering in Toulon Main article: Ottoman wintering in Toulon Following the siege, the Ottomans were offered by Francis
to winter at Toulon, so that they could continue to harass the Holy Roman Empire, and especially the coast of Spain and Italy, as well
the communications between the two countries. Barbarossa was also promissed that he would receive help from the French in
reconquering Tunis if he stayed through the winter in France.[7] Throughout the winter, the Ottoman fleet, with its 110 galleys and
30,000 troops, was able to use Toulon as a base to attack the Spanish and Italian coasts under Admiral Salih Reis.[15][7] They raided
Barcelona in Spain, and Sanremo, Borghetto Santo Spirito, Ceriale in Italy, and defeated Italo-Spanish naval attacks.[20] Sailing with
his whole fleet to Genoa, Barbarossa negotiated with Andrea Doria the release of Turgut Reis.[21] France provided about 10,000,000
kilograms of bread to supply the Ottoman army during the 6 months it stayed in Toulon, and for the provisionning of the following
summer's campaign and return to Istanbul.[7] It seems the involvement of Francis I to this joint effort with the Ottomans were rather
half-hearted however, as many European powers were complaining about such an alliance against another Christian power.[15]
Relations remained tensed and suspicious between the two allies.[15]
Consequences A French-Habsburg peace treaty was finally signed at Crépy on 18 September 1544, and a truce was signed between
the Habsburg and the Ottomans on 10 November 1545.[15] The Habsburg emperor Charles V agreed to recognize the new Ottoman
conquests, and accepted to pay tribute in some unconquered territories in Hungary.[15] A formal peace treaty was signed on 13 June
1547, after the death of Francis I.[15] A local consequence of the siege was the reinforcement of the coast with defensive fortifications,
especially the castles of Nice and Mont Alban, and the fort of Saint-Elme de Villefranche.
See also
• Orientalism in early modern France
Notes
1.
^ Cartography in the Traditional Islamic and South Asian Societies J. B. Harley p.245 [1]
2.
^ The Ottoman Empire and the world around it Suraiya Faroqhi p.33
3.
^ History of the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey by Ezel Kural Shaw p.102 [2]
4.
^ A New General Biographical Dictionary, Volume III by Hugh James Rose [3]
5.
^ a b McCabe, p.42
6.
^ The rise and fall of Renaissance France, 1483-1610 by Robert Jean Knecht p.181
7.
^ a b c d e f g h i "Barbarossa arrived at Toulon on 10 July, and (as the Venetian Senate wrote Suleiman) was received
with honor in Marseille on the twenty first. In August he assisted the French in the badly-planned and unsuccessful siege of
Nice" in The Papacy and the Levant, 1204-1571 by Kenneth Meyer Setton p.470ff
8.
^ Contemporaries of Erasmus by Peter G. Bietenholz, Thomas B. Deutscher, p.260
9.
^ Penny cyclopaedia of the Society for the diffusion of useful knowledge p.428
10.
^ E.J. Brill's first encyclopaedia of Islam 1913-1936 by M. Th. Houtsma p.873
11.
^ Subjects of the Sultan by Suraiya Faroqhi p.70
12.
^ The Ottoman Empire and early modern Europe by Daniel Goffman p.xxi
13.
^ The Cambridge History of Islam, p.328
14.
^ a b Firearms of the Islamic world in the Tareq Rajab Museum, Kuwait by Robert Elgood p.38
15.
^ a b c d e f g h History of the Ottoman Turks Edward Shepherd Creasy p.286
16.
^ McCabe, p.41
17.
^ McCabe, p.43
18.
19.
^ Suleiman the Magnificent - Sultan of the East by Harold Lamb p.229
20.
^ Firearms of the Islamic world in the Tareq Rajab Museum, Kuwait Robert Elgood p.38
21.
^ Piracy Angus Konstam, p.85
References
• William Miller The Ottoman Empire and Its Successors, 1801-1927 Routledge, 1966 ISBN 0714619744
• Peter Malcolm Holt, Ann K. S. Lambton, Bernard Lewis The Cambridge History of Islam Cambridge University Press, 1977
ISBN 0521291356
• Roger Crowley, Empire of the sea, 2008 Faber & Faber ISBN 9780571232314
• Baghdiantz McAbe, Ina 2008 Orientalism in Early Modern France, ISBN 9781845203740, Berg Publishing, Oxford
External links
• Anthem for Catherine Ségurane.
• Information from the City of Nice's website (in French)
Ottoman wintering in Toulon
The Ottoman wintering in Toulon occurred during the winter of 1543-44, following the Franco-Ottoman Siege of Nice, as part of
the combined operations under the Franco-Ottoman alliance.
Wintering in Toulon The Ottomans were offered by Francis I of France to winter at Toulon, so that they could continue to harass the
Holy Roman Empire, and especially the coast of Spain and Italy, as well the communications between the two countries: "Lodge the
Lord Barbarossa sent to the king by the Great Turk, with his Turkish Army and grands seigneurs to the number of 30,000 combattants
during the winter in his town and port of Toulon... for the accommodation of the said army as well as the well-being of all this coast,
it will not be suitable for the inhabitants of Toulon to remain and mingle with the Turkish nation, because of difficulties which might
arise" —Instruction of Francis I to his Lord Lieutenant of Provence.[1] Only the heads of households were allowed to remain in the
city, with the rest of the population having to leave, on pain of death. Francis I indemnified the inhabitants by exempted them from
the taille tax for a period of 10 years.[2] During the wintering of Barbarossa, the Toulon Cathedral was transformed into a mosque, the
call to prayer occurred five times a day, and Ottoman coinage was the currency of choice. According to an observer: "To see Toulon,
one might imagine oneself at Constantinople".[3] Throughout the winter, the Ottomans were able to use Toulon as a base to attack the
Spanish and Italian coasts under Admiral Salih Reis.[4] They raided and bombarded Barcelona in Spain, and Sanremo, Borghetto
Santo Spirito, Ceriale in Italy, and defeated Italo-Spanish naval attacks.[5] Christian slaves were being sold in Toulon throughout the
period.[6] Sailing with his whole fleet to Genoa, Barbarossa negotiated with Andrea Doria the release of Turgut Reis.[7] Barbarossa
found the Toulon base very pleasant and convenient, could refit his ships at the expense of France, and could maintain an effective
blockade of Christian shipping. The Lord Lieutenant of Provence complained about Barbarossa that "he takes his ease while emptying
the coffers of France".[4] The Ottomans finally departed from their Toulon base after a stay of 8 months, on 23 May 1544, after Francis
I had paid 800,000 ecus to Barbarossa.[8][2] All Turkish and Barbary corsairs had to be freed from French galleys also, as a condition
to his departure.[2] Barbarossa also pillaged 5 French ships in the harbour of Toulon in order to provision his fleet.[2]
Return to Istanbul Five French galleys, under the command of the "Général des galères" Captain Polin, accompanied Barbarossa’s
fleet, on a diplomatic mission to Suleiman.[8] The French fleet accompanied Barbarossa during his attacks on the west coast of Italy on
the way to Istambul, as he laid waste to the cities of Porto Ercole, Giglio, Talamona, Lipari and took about 6,000 captives, but
separated in Sicily from Barbarossa’s fleet to continue alone to the Ottoman capital.[9] This would be one of the last naval campaigns
of Barbarossa, who died 2 years later in Istanbul in 1546.[10]
Aftermath Toulon would again be used as a safe harbour for several months by Turgut Rais from August 1546, when he was pursued
by the fleet of Andrea Doria.[11]
Notes
1.
^ Lamb, p.229
2.
^ a b c d The rise and fall of Renaissance France, 1483-1610 by Robert Jean Knecht p.181
3.
^ Crowley, p.74
4.
^ a b Suleiman the Magnificent - Sultan of the East by Harold Lamb p.230
5.
^ Firearms of the Islamic world in the Tareq Rajab Museum, Kuwait Robert Elgood p.38
6.
^ The cambridge modern history p.77
7.
8.
^ a b Crowley, p.75
9.
^ Crowley, p.75-79
10.
11.
^ Piracy: the complete history by Angus Konstam p.87
References
Battle of Ceresole 1544
Movements before the battle; the Imperial advance from Asti is shown in red and Enghien's march from
Carignano in blue.
Date
Location
Result
April 11, 1544
Near Ceresole d'Alba, southeast of Turin, present-day Italy
French victory
Belligerents
•
Spain,
•
Holy Roman Empire
France
Count of Enghien
Alfonso d'Avalos
Strength
~11,000–13,000 infantry,
~1,500–1,850 cavalry,
~20 guns
~12,500–18,000 infantry,
~800–1,000 cavalry,
~20 guns
~1,500–2,000+ dead or wounded
~5,000–6,000+ dead or wounded, ~3,150 captured
The Battle of Ceresole (or Cérisoles) was an encounter between a French army and the combined forces of Spain and the Holy
Roman Empire during the Italian War of 1542–46. The lengthy engagement took place on April 11, 1544, outside the village of
Ceresole d'Alba in the Piedmont region of Italy; the French, under François de Bourbon, Count of Enghien, defeated the Spanish-
Imperial army of Alfonso d'Avalos d'Aquino, Marquis del Vasto. Despite having inflicted substantial casualties on the Imperial
troops, the French subsequently failed to exploit their victory by taking Milan. Enghien and d'Avalos had arranged their armies along
two parallel ridges; because of the topography of the battlefield, many of the individual actions of the battle were uncoordinated with
one another. The battle opened with several hours of skirmishing between opposing bands of arquebusiers and an ineffectual artillery
exchange, after which d'Avalos ordered a general advance. In the center, Imperial landsknechts clashed with French and Swiss
infantry, with both sides suffering terrific casualties. In the southern part of the battlefield, Italian infantry in Imperial service were
harried by French cavalry attacks and withdrew after learning that the Imperial troops of the center had been defeated. In the north,
meanwhile, the French infantry line crumbled, and Enghien led a series of ineffectual and costly cavalry charges against Spanish and
German infantry before the latter were forced to surrender by the arrival of the victorious Swiss and French infantry from the center.
Ceresole was one of the few pitched battles during the latter half of the Italian Wars. Known among military historians chiefly for the
"great slaughter" that occurred when columns of intermingled arquebusiers and pikemen met in the center, it also demonstrates the
continuing role of traditional heavy cavalry on a battlefield largely dominated by the emerging pike and shot infantry.
Prelude The opening of the war in northern Italy had been marked by the fall of Nice to a combined Franco-Ottoman army in August
1543; meanwhile, Spanish-Imperial forces had advanced from Lombardy towards Turin, which had been left in French hands at the
end of the previous war in 1538.[1] By the winter of 1543–44, a stalemate had developed in the Piedmont between the French, under
the Sieur de Boutières, and the Imperial army, under d'Avalos.[2] The French position, centered on Turin, reached outward to a series
of fortified towns: Pinerolo, Carmagnola, Savigliano, Susa, Moncalieri, Villanova, Chivasso, and a number of others; d'Avalos,
meanwhile, controlled a group of fortresses on the periphery of the French territory: Mondovì, Asti, Casale Monferrato, Vercelli, and
Ivrea.[3] The two armies occupied themselves primarily with attacking each others' outlying strongholds. Boutières seized San
Germano Vercellese, near Vercelli, and laid siege to Ivrea; d'Avalos, meanwhile, captured Carignano, only fifteen miles south of
Turin, and proceeded to garrison and fortify it.[4] As the two armies returned to winter quarters, Francis I of France replaced Boutières
with François de Vendôme, Count of Enghien, a prince with no experience commanding an army.[5] Francis also sent additional troops
to the Piedmont, including several hundred heavy cavalry, some companies of French infantry from Dauphiné and Languedoc, and a
force of quasi-Swiss from Gruyères.[6] In January 1544, Enghien laid siege to Carignano, which was defended by Imperial troops
under the command of Pirro Colonna.[7] The French were of the opinion that d'Avalos would be forced to attempt a relief of the
besieged city, at which point he could be forced into a battle; but as such pitched battles were viewed as very risky undertakings,
Enghien sent Blaise de Lasseran-Massencôme, seigneur de Montluc, to Paris to ask Francis for permission to fight one.[8] Montluc
apparently convinced Francis to give his assent—contingent on the agreement of Enghien's captains—over the objections of the
Comte de St. Pol, who complained that a defeat would leave France exposed to an invasion by d'Avalos's troops at a time when
Charles V and Henry VIII of England were expected to attack Picardy.[9] Montluc, returning to Italy, brought with him nearly a
hundred volunteers from among the young noblemen of the court, including the young Gaspard de Coligny.[10] D'Avalos, having
waited for the arrival a large body of landsknechts dispatched by Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, set off from Asti towards
Carignano.[11] His total force included 12,500–18,000 infantry, of which perhaps 4,000 were arquebusiers or musketeers; he was only
able to gather about 800–1,000 cavalry, of which less than 200 were gendarmes.[12] D'Avalos recognized the relative weakness of his
cavalry, but considered it to be compensated by the experience of his infantry and the large number of arquebusiers in its ranks.[13]
Enghien, having learned of the Imperial advance, left a blocking force at Carignano and assembled the remainder of his army at
Carmagnola, blocking d'Avalos's route to the besieged city.[14] The French cavalry, shadowing d'Avalos's movements, discovered that
the Imperial forces were headed directly for the French position; on April 10, d'Avalos occupied the village of Ceresole d'Alba, about
five miles (8 km) southeast of the French.[15] Enghien's officers urged him to attack immediately, but he was determined to fight on
ground of his own choosing; on the morning of April 11, 1544, the French marched from Carmagnola to a position some three miles
(5 km) to the southeast and awaited d'Avalos's arrival.[16] Enghien and Montluc felt that the open ground would give the French
cavalry a significant tactical advantage.[17] By this point, the French army consisted of around 11,000–13,000 infantry, 600 light
cavalry, and 900–1,250 heavy cavalry; Enghien and d'Avalos each had about twenty pieces of artillery.[18] The battle came at a
fortunate time for Enghien, as his Swiss troops were—as they had before the Battle of Bicocca—threatening to march home if they
were not paid; the news of the impending battle restored some calm to their ranks.[19]
Battle
Dispositions The initial dispositions of the opposing armies; the French troops are shown in blue and the Imperial troops in red.
Enghien's troops were positioned along the crest of a ridge that was higher in the center than on either side, preventing the wings of
the French army from seeing each other.[20] The French army was divided into the traditional "battle", "vaward", and "rearward"
corps, corresponding to the center and right and left wings of the French line.[21] On the far right of the French position was a body of
light cavalry, consisting of three companies under Des Thermes, Bernadino, and Mauré, with a total strength of around 450–500
men.[22] To their left was the French infantry under De Tais, numbering around 4,000, and, farther to the left, a squadron of 80
gendarmes under Boutières, who was nominally the commander of the entire French right wing.[23] The center of the French line was
formed by thirteen companies of veteran Swiss, numbering about 4,000, under the joint command of William Frülich of Soleure and a
captain named St. Julian.[24] To their left was Enghien himself with three companies of heavy cavalry, a company of light horse, and
the volunteers from Paris—in total, around 450 troopers.[25] The left wing was composed of two columns of infantry, consisting of
3,000 of the recruits from Gruyères and 2,000 Italians, all under the command of Sieur Descroz.[26] On the extreme left of the line
were about 400 mounted archers deployed as light cavalry; they were commanded by Dampierre, who was also given command of the
entire French left wing.[27] The Imperial line formed up on a similar ridge facing the French position.[28] On the far left, facing Des
Thermes, were 300 Florentine light cavalry under Rodolfo Baglioni; flanking them to the right were 6,000 Italian infantry under
Ferrante Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno.[29] In the center were the 7,000 landsknechts under the command of Eriprando Madruzzo.[30]
To their right was d'Avalos himself, together with the small force of about 200 heavy cavalry under Carlo Gonzaga.[31] The Imperial
right wing was composed of around 5,000 German and Spanish infantry under Ramón de Cardona; they were flanked, on the far right,
by 300 Italian light cavalry under Philip de Lannoy, Prince of Sulmona.[32]
Order of battle at Ceresole
(listed from north to south along the battlefield)
French
Spanish–Imperial
(François de Vendôme, Count of Enghien)
Unit
Strength
Commander
(Alfonso d'Avalos d'Aquino, Marquis del Vasto)
Unit
Strength
Commander
Neapolitan light
Philip de Lannoy,
~300
cavalry
Prince of Sulmona
Light cavalry
~400
Dampierre
Italian infantry
Gruyères infantry
~2,000
~3,000
Heavy cavalry
~450
Swiss
~4,000
Heavy cavalry
French (Gascon)
infantry
~80
Descroz
Spanish and German
~5,000
infantry
Descroz
François de
Vendôme, Count of Heavy cavalry
~200
Enghien
William Frülich of
Soleure and St. Julian Landsknechts
~7,000
Sieur de Boutières
~4,000
De Tais
Light cavalry
~450–500 Des Thermes
Ramón de Cardona
Carlo Gonzaga
Eriprando Madruzzo
Italian infantry
~6,000
Ferrante Sanseverino,
Prince of Salerno
Florentine light
cavalry
~300
Rodolfo Baglioni
Initial moves As d'Avalos's troops, marching from Ceresole, began to arrive on the battlefield, both armies attempted to conceal their
numbers and position from the other; Enghien had ordered the Swiss to lie on the ground behind the crest of the ridge, while only the
left wing of the Imperial army was initially visible to the French.[33] D'Avalos sent out parties of arquebusiers in an attempt to locate
the French flanks; Enghien, in turn, detached about 800 arquebusiers under Montluc to delay the Imperial advance.[34] The
skirmishing between the arquebusiers continued for almost four hours; Martin Du Bellay, observing the engagement, described it as
"a pretty sight for anyone who was in a safe place and unemployed, for they played off on each other all the ruses and stratagems of
petty war."[35] As the extent of each army's position was revealed, Enghien and d'Avalos both brought up their artillery.[36] The
ensuing cannonade continued for several hours, but had little effect because of the distance and the considerable cover available to the
troops on both sides.[37] The skirmishing finally came to an end when it seemed that Imperial cavalry would attack the French
arquebusiers in the flank; Montluc then requested assistance from Des Thermes, who advanced with his entire force of light
cavalry.[33] D'Avalos, observing the French movement, ordered a general advance along the entire Imperial line.[38] At the southern
end of the battlefield, the French light cavalry drove Baglioni's Florentines back into Sanseverino's advancing infantry, and then
proceeded to charge directly into the infantry column.[30] The Italian formation held, and Des Thermes himself was wounded and
captured; but by the time Sanseverino had dealt with the resulting disorder and was ready to advance again, the fight in the center had
already been decided.[39]
"A wholesale slaughter" The French infantry—mostly Gascons—had meanwhile started down the slope towards Sanseverino.[30]
Montluc, noting that the disorder of the Italians had forced them to a standstill, suggested that De Tais attack Madruzzo's advancing
column of landsknechts instead; this advice was accepted, and the French formation turned left in an attempt to strike the landsknechts
in the flank.[40] Madruzzo responded by splitting his column into two separate portions, one of which moved to intercept the French
while the other continued up the slope towards the Swiss waiting at the crest.[41] The pike and shot infantry had by this time adopted a
system in which arquebusiers and pikemen were intermingled in combined units; both the French and the Imperial infantry contained
men with firearms interspersed in the larger columns of pikemen.[42] This combination of pikes and small arms made close-quarters
fighting extremely bloody.[43] The mixed infantry was normally placed in separate clusters, with the arquebusiers on the flanks of a
central column of pikemen; at Ceresole, however, the French infantry had been arranged with the first rank of pikemen followed
immediately by a rank of arquebusiers, who were ordered to hold their fire until the two columns met.[44] Montluc, who claimed to
have devised the scheme, wrote that: In this way we should kill all their captains in the front rank. But we found that they were as
ingenious as ourselves, for behind their first line of pikes they had put pistoleers. Neither side fired till we were touching—and then
there was a wholesale slaughter: every shot told: the whole front rank on each side went down.[45] The Swiss, seeing the French
engage one of the two columns of landsknechts, finally descended to meet the other, which had been slowly moving up the hillside.[46]
Both masses of infantry remained locked in a push of pike until the squadron of heavy cavalry under Boutières charged into the
landsknechts' flank, shattering their formation and driving them down the slope.[47] The Imperial heavy cavalry, which had been on the
landsknechts' right, and which had been ordered by d'Avalos to attack the Swiss, recoiled from the pikes and fled to the rear, leaving
Carlo Gonzaga to be taken prisoner.[48] The Swiss and Gascon infantry proceeded to slaughter the remaining landsknechts—whose
tight order precluded a rapid retreat—as they attempted to withdraw from the battlefield.[49] The road to Ceresole was littered with
corpses; the Swiss, in particular, showed no mercy, as they wished to avenge the mistreatment of the Swiss garrison of Mondovì the
previous November.[49] Most of the landsknechts' officers were killed; and while contemporary accounts probably exaggerate the
numbers of the dead, it is clear that the German infantry had ceased to exist as a fighting force.[50] Seeing this, Sanseverino decided
that the battle was lost and marched away to Asti with the bulk of the Italian infantry and the remnants of Baglioni's Florentine
cavalry; the French light cavalry, meanwhile, joined in the pursuit of the landsknechts.[51]
Engagements in the north On the northern end of the battlefield, events had unfolded quite differently. Dampierre's cavalry routed
Lannoy's company of light horse; the Italians and the contingent from Gruyères, meanwhile, broke and fled—leaving their officers to
be killed—without offering any real resistance to the advancing Imperial infantry.[52] As Cardona's infantry moved past the original
French line, Enghien descended on it with the entire body of heavy cavalry under his command; the subsequent engagement took
place on the reverse slope of the ridge, out of sight of the rest of the battlefield.[53] On the first charge, Enghien's cavalry penetrated a
corner of the Imperial formation, pushing through to the rear and losing some of the volunteers from Paris.[54] As Cardona's ranks
closed again, the French cavalry turned and made a second charge under heavy arquebus fire; this was far more costly, and again
failed to break the Imperial column.[55] Enghien, now joined by Dampierre's light cavalry, made a third charge, which again failed to
achieve a decisive result; fewer than a hundred of the French gendarmes remained afterwards.[56] Enghien believed the battle to be
lost—according to Montluc, he intended to stab himself, "which ancient Romans might do, but not good Christians"—when St. Julian,
the Swiss commander, arrived from the center of the battlefield and reported that the Imperial forces there had been routed.[57] The
news of the landsknechts' defeat reached Cardona's troops at about the same time that it had reached Enghien; the Imperial column
turned and retreated back towards its original position.[58] Enghien followed closely with the remainder of his cavalry; he was soon
reinforced by a company of Italian mounted arquebusiers, which had been stationed at Racconigi and had started towards the
battlefield after hearing the initial artillery exchange.[59] These arquebusiers, dismounting to fire and then remounting, were able to
harass the Imperial column sufficiently to slow its retreat.[60] Meanwhile, the French and Swiss infantry of the center, having reached
Ceresole, had turned about and returned to the battlefield; Montluc, who was with them, writes: When we heard at Ceresole that M.
d'Enghien wanted us, both the Swiss and we Gascons turned toward him—I never saw two battalions form up so quick—we got into
rank again actually as we ran along, side by side. The enemy was going off at quick march, firing salvos of arquebuses, and keeping
off our horse, when we saw them. And when they descried us only 400 paces away, and our cavalry making ready to charge, they
threw down their pikes and surrendered to the horsemen. You might see fifteen or twenty of them round a man-at-arms, pressing
about him and asking for quarter, for fear of us of the infantry, who were wanting to cut all their throats.[61] Perhaps as many as half of
the Imperial infantry were killed as they were attempting to surrender; the remainder, about 3,150 men, were taken prisoner.[62] A few,
including the Baron of Seisneck, who had commanded the German infantry contingents, managed to escape.[63]
Aftermath The casualties of the battle were unusually high, even by the standards of the time, and are estimated at 28 percent of the
total number of troops engaged.[64] The smallest numbers given for the Imperial dead in contemporary accounts are between 5,000 and
6,000, although some French sources give figures as high as 12,000.[65] A large number of officers were killed, particularly among the
landsknechts; many of those who survived were taken prisoner, including Ramón de Cardona, Carlo Gonzaga, and Eriprando
Madruzzo.[66] The French casualties were smaller, but numbered at least 1,500 to 2,000 killed.[67] These included many of the officers
of the Gascon and Gruyères infantry contingents, as well as a large portion of the gendarmerie that had followed Enghien.[68] The only
French prisoner of note was Des Thermes, who had been carried along with Sanseverino's retreating Italians.[69] Despite the collapse
of the Imperial army, the battle proved to be of little strategic significance.[70] At the insistence of Francis I, the French army resumed
the siege of Carignano, where Colonna held out for several weeks. Soon after the city's surrender, Enghien was forced to send twentythree companies of Italian and Gascon infantry—and nearly half his heavy cavalry—to Picardy, which had been invaded by Charles
V.[71] Left without a real army, Enghien was unable to capture Milan. D'Avalos, meanwhile, routed a fresh force of Italian infantry
under Pietro Strozzi and the Count of Pitigliano at the Battle of Serravalle.[72] The end of the war saw a return to the status quo in
northern Italy.
Historiography A number of detailed contemporary accounts of the battle have survived. Among the French chronicles are the
narratives of Martin Du Bellay and Blaise de Montluc, both of whom were present at the scene. The Sieur de Tavannes, who
accompanied Enghien, also makes some mention of the events in his memoirs.[73] The most extensive account from the Imperial side
is that of Paolo Giovio. Despite a number of inconsistencies with other accounts, it provides, according to historian Charles Oman,
"valuable notes on points neglected by all the French narrators".[74] The interest of modern military historians in the battle has centered
primarily on the role of small arms and the resulting carnage among the infantry in the center.[75] The arrangement of pikemen and
arquebusiers used was regarded as too costly, and was not tried again; in subsequent battles, arquebuses were used primarily for
skirmishing and from the flanks of larger formations of pikemen.[76] Ceresole is also of interest as a demonstration of the continuing
role of traditional heavy cavalry on the battlefield.[77] Despite the failure of Enghien's charges—the French, according to Bert Hall,
held to their belief in "the effectiveness of unaided heavy cavalry to break disciplined formations"—a small body of gendarmes had
been sufficient, in the center, to rout infantry columns that were already engaged with other infantry.[78] Beyond this tactical utility,
another reason for cavalry's continued importance is evident from the final episode of the battle: the French gendarmes were the only
troops who could reasonably be expected to accept an opponent's surrender, as the Swiss and French infantry had no inclination
towards taking prisoners. The cavalry was, according to Hall, "almost intuitively expected to heed these entreaties without
question".[79]
Notes
1.
^ Arnold, Renaissance at War, 180; Blockmans, Emperor Charles V, 72–73; Oman, Art of War, 213.
2.
^ Oman, Art of War, 229.
3.
^ Oman, Art of War, 229. D'Avalos had captured Mondovì only a short time before.
4.
^ Oman, Art of War, 229. Oman, citing Du Bellay, describes the new fortifications as "five bastions, good curtains
between them, and a deep ditch".
5.
^ Oman, Art of War, 229–30.
6.
^ Oman, Art of War, 230. The Swiss, while trained as pikemen, had been raised by the Count of Gruyères from his
own lands, rather than being traditional levies of the Swiss cantons; Oman cites Giovio's description of the men having been
"raised from all regions of the Upper Rhone and the Lake of Geneva".
7.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 490; Oman, Art of War, 230. Oman notes that the garrison of Carignano included
some of d'Avalos's best troops.
8.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 490; Oman, Art of War, 230. Oman notes that Du Bellay, seemingly having some
dislike for Montluc, avoids identifying the messenger in his chronicle, describing him as "un gentilhomme" without giving
his name.
9.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 490; Oman, Art of War, 230–231. The major source for Montluc's speech before
Francis, and the ensuing debate, is Montluc's own autobiography; Oman writes that "his narrative cannot always be trusted,
since he sees himself in the limelight at every crisis", but also notes that "it seems hardly credible that Montluc could have
invented his whole graphic tale of the dispute at the council board, and his own impassioned plea for action". Hackett gives a
similar version of events (Hackett, Francis the First, 421–423). The requirement for Enghien's subordinates to agree to a
battle is recorded by Du Bellay; Montluc does not mention it.
10.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 490; Oman, Art of War, 231. A full list of names is given by Du Bellay and
includes Dampierre, St. André, Vendôme, Rochefort, and Jarnac, among others.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
^ Oman, Art of War, 231. The landsknechts in question were veteran troops, and had been specially equipped with
corselets.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 186; Oman, Art of War, 231. Hall gives lower numbers than Oman, noting that they
are estimates by Ferdinand Lot, and is the source for the specific proportion of arquebusiers in the Imperial army.
^ Oman, Art of War, 231. Oman writes that d'Avalos related this view to Des Thermes, who had been captured by
the Imperial troops, telling him that "after Pavia the Spanish officers had come to think little of the French gendarmerie, and
believed that arquebusiers would always get the better of them, if properly covered".
^ Oman, Art of War, 231–232, 234. The blocking force probably consisted of the companies of French infantry that
had arrived as reinforcements during the winter.
^ Oman, Art of War, 232. The other route available to d'Avalos was a sweep south through Sommariva and
Racconigi that would have exposed his flank to Enghien.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 186. Hall notes that Montluc, by his own account, told Enghien, "Sir sir, what more
could you have desired of God Almighty [than] to find the enemy... in the open field, [with] neither hedge nor ditch to
obstruct you?"
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 186; Oman, Art of War, 232–234. Oman notes that there are a variety of figures
available for the strength of the French army; he gives "figures somewhat lower than Montluc's... and somewhat higher than
Du Bellay's...". Hall gives the lower number for the infantry but the higher number for the heavy cavalry, in both cases from
Lot, and notes that only around 500 of the heavy cavalry were actually gendarmes.
^ Oman, Art of War, 232. Francis had sent some forty thousand écus, which was less than a month's worth of back
pay.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 186; Oman, Art of War, 234. Hall explicitly attributes much of the uncoordinated
action during the battle to the poor visibility along the line. Black also mentions the topography as a source of confusion
(Black, "Dynasty Forged by Fire,"43).
^ Oman, Art of War, 234. Oman suggests that this division seems to have been a theoretical one here.
^ Oman, Art of War, 234. Oman notes that the full strength of the three companies should have been 650 troopers,
rather than the smaller number actually present.
^ Oman, Art of War, 234. The squadron under Boutières was also under-strength; it should have included a hundred
troopers.
^ Oman, Art of War, 234. St. Julian commanded six of the companies, and William Frülich the other seven.
^ Oman, Art of War, 234. The heavy cavalry companies, commanded by Crusol, d'Accier, and Montravel, were also
under-strength; the company of light horse, commanded by d'Ossun, was not, numbering about 150 men.
^ Oman, Art of War, 232–235. Descroz was given the command because the Count of Gruyères had not yet arrived.
^ Oman, Art of War, 235. The archers had been detached from the companies of heavy cavalry with which they
normally operated.
^ Oman, Art of War, 234–235. The ridge occupied by d'Avalos' troops shared the same peculiarity of having a high
center separating the two wings from each other; d'Avalos found that a knoll in the center was the only place from which he
could observe his entire position.
^ Oman, Art of War, 231, 236.
^ a b c Oman, Art of War, 236.
^ Oman, Art of War, 236. The Imperial heavy cavalry was positioned directly across from Enghien's cavalry.
^ Oman, Art of War, 231, 236. Cardona's infantry consisted primarily of veterans from the African campaigns of
Charles V.
^ a b Oman, Art of War, 235.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187; Oman, Art of War, 235. Montluc's arquebusiers were drawn from the French
and Italian infantry companies.
^ Oman, Art of War, 235. Hall also mentions the skirmishing (Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187).
^ Oman, Art of War, 235. The Imperial cannon were divided among two batteries near a pair of farms in front of the
Imperial center and right wing, while the French artillery, similarly split, was adjacent to the Swiss in the center and the
Gruyères contingent on the left.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 186; Oman, Art of War, 235. Hall notes that the artillery "was kept well back... and
officers on both sides took care not to expose unshielded infantry to its fire".
^ Oman, Art of War, 235–236.
^ Oman, Art of War, 236. Oman, citing Du Bellay and Montluc, notes that Des Thermes, "thinking that he would
have been better followed", drove deep into the enemy infantry before being unhorsed and taken prisoner.
^ Oman, Art of War, 236. The source for Montluc's role in this incident is his own narrative.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187; Oman, Art of War, 237. Oman, praising Madruzzo's tactical skill in effecting
the division, quotes Du Bellay's description of the movement: "Seeing that the French had changed their plan, the
Imperialists made a parallel change, and of their great battalion made two, one to fight the Swiss, the other the French, yet so
close to each other that seen sideways they still looked one great mass." Hall calls the movement "an extremely difficult
maneuver".
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 186–187. Hall notes that the later 16th-century system of arranging the infantry in
square formations, with the arquebusiers drawn back into the center for protection, was probably not fully in place at
Ceresole.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187–188; Oman, Art of War, 237.
45.
^ Oman, Art of War, 237. Hall gives a similar translation of Montluc's quote (but uses "a great slaughter" for "une
grande tuerie"); he notes that it is unclear how Montluc "escaped the carnage he helped create" (Hall, Weapons and Warfare,
187).
46.
^ Oman, Art of War, 237. The Swiss waited until the French were "within twelve pike-lengths of their immediate
adversaries" before starting from their position.
47.
^ Black, "Dynasty Forged by Fire", 43; Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187; Oman, Art of War, 237–238.
48.
^ Oman, Art of War, 238. Oman notes that the actions of the Imperial cavalry are not mentioned in any French
chronicle of the battle, but that Giovio records that they "disgraced themselves".
49.
^ a b Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187; Oman, Art of War, 238.
50.
^ Oman, Art of War, 238. Oman suggests that the contemporary casualty figure of 5,000 out of 7,000 is
exaggerated, but notes that Giovio's list of casualties records that "practically all their captains were killed". Black merely
notes the landsknechts' casualties as "more than 25 percent" (Black, "Dynasty Forged by Fire", 43).
51.
^ Oman, Art of War, 238. Baglioni's Florentines had been able to reform without incident, as they were not pursued
by the French after the initial clash.
52.
^ Black, "Dynasty Forged by Fire", 43; Oman, Art of War, 238–239.
53.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187; Oman, Art of War, 239. Oman is critical of Enghien, who "lost all count of how
the battle was progressing elsewhere... forgetting the duties of a commander-in-chief".
54.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187; Oman, Art of War, 239. Oman compares the action here—"purely a matter of
infantry versus cavalry"—to that of the Battle of Marignano.
55.
^ Black, "Dynasty Forged by Fire", 43; Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187; Oman, Art of War, 239. Oman refers to
Du Bellay and Montluc for accounts of the "slaughter in the second charge".
56.
^ Oman, Art of War, 239–240. Oman notes that the third charge was apparently encouraged by Gaspard de Saulx,
sieur de Tavannes; according to his own narrative, he told Enghien that "the cup must be drained to the dregs" ("'Monsieur, il
faut boire cette calice'").
57.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187; Oman, Art of War, 240. Oman is skeptical of Montluc's claim here, noting that
"Montluc loves a tragic scene".
58.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 187; Oman, Art of War, 240.
59.
^ Oman, Art of War, 240. The arquebusiers had been detached to watch over the fords on the Maira River, some
eight miles (13 km) away from the battle.
60.
61.
^ Oman, Art of War, 240. Hall gives a similar translation of Montluc's account (Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 188).
62.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 188; Oman, Art of War, 240–241. Hall quotes Montluc: "more than half were slain,
because we dispatched as many of those people as we could get our hands on". Oman notes that the prisoners included about
2,530 Germans and 630 Spaniards.
63.
^ Oman, Art of War, 240. Oman cites Giovio's account for this detail.
64.
65.
^ Oman, Art of War, 241. Oman does not consider the higher French numbers to be probable.
66.
^ Oman, Art of War, 241. Oman notes that Giovio provides a full list of the slain captains, including "the heir of
Fürstenberg, the Baron of Gunstein, two brothers Scaliger—Christopher and Brenno—Michael Preussinger, Jacob Figer, etc.
etc.". Madruzzo was so heavily wounded as to be believed dead, but later recovered.
67.
^ Oman, Art of War, 241. Oman considers the loss of 500 men reported in some French chronicles to be "obviously
understated".
^ Oman, Art of War, 241. Oman notes the deaths of five captains of the Gascon infantry—la Molle, Passin,
68.
Barberan, Moncault, and St. Geneviève—as well as all the captains of the Gruyères band, including Descroz and Charles du
Dros, the governor of Mondovì. Among the heavy cavalry, the dead included two of Enghien's squires and a large number of
volunteers, including d'Accier, D'Oyn, Montsallais, de Glaive, Rochechouart, Courville, and several dozen more.
69.
70.
^ Black, "Dynasty Forged by Fire", 43.
71.
72.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 490; Oman, Art of War, 242–243. Oman puts the battle on June 2, while Knecht
has it occur on June 4.
73.
74.
^ Oman, Art of War, 243. Oman notes that Giovio is "oddly wrong" in reversing the positions of the Swiss and the
Gascons in the initial French line.
75.
76.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 188. Hall notes that the Imperial army, despite being better equipped with small
arms, suffered more casualties than the French.
77.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 188–190.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 188–189. Hall notes that Enghien "certainly had reason to expect better results than
78.
his charging troops achieved", as Cardona's infantry had been "in some disarray" when the French charges began.
79.
^ Hall, Weapons and Warfare, 189–190. Hall writes of the episode—and the slaughter of much of the Imperial
infantry despite their attempts to surrender—that "the new brutalities of sixteenth century warfare could hardly have been
more cruelly exemplified".
References
• Arnold, Thomas F. The Renaissance at War. Smithsonian History of Warfare, edited by John Keegan. New York:
• Black, Jeremy. "Dynasty Forged by Fire." MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History 18, no. 3 (Spring 2006): 34–43.
ISSN 1040-5992.
Blockmans, Wim. Emperor Charles V, 1500–1558. Translated by Isola van den Hoven-Vardon. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2002. ISBN 0-340-73110-9.
• Hackett, Francis. Francis the First. Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Doran & Co., 1937.
• Hall, Bert S. Weapons and Warfare in Renaissance Europe: Gunpowder, Technology, and Tactics. Baltimore: Johns
• Knecht, Robert J. Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
ISBN 0-521-57885-X.
• Oman, Charles. A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century. London: Methuen & Co., 1937.
• Phillips, Charles and Alan Axelrod. Encyclopedia of Wars. Vol. 2. New York: Facts on File, 2005. ISBN 0-8160-2851-6.
Further reading
•
Italian Wars portal
•
•
•
•
•
•
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Courteault, P. Blaise de Monluc historien. Paris, 1908.
Du Bellay, Martin, Sieur de Langey. Mémoires de Martin et Guillaume du Bellay. Edited by V. L. Bourrilly and F. Vindry. 4
volumes. Paris: Société de l'histoire de France, 1908–19.
Giovio, Paolo. Pauli Iovii Opera. Volume 3, part 1, Historiarum sui temporis. Edited by D. Visconti. Rome: Libreria dello
Stato, 1957.
Lot, Ferdinand. Recherches sur les effectifs des armées françaises des guerres d'Italie aux guerres de religion, 1494–1562.
Paris: École Pratique des Hautes Études, 1962.
Monluc, Blaise de. Commentaires. Edited by P. Courteault. 3 volumes. Paris: 1911–25. Translated by Charles Cotton as The
Commentaries of Messire Blaize de Montluc (London: A. Clark, 1674).
———. Military Memoirs: Blaise de Monluc, The Habsburg-Valois Wars, and the French Wars of Religion. Edited by Ian
Roy. London: Longmans, 1971.
Saulx, Gaspard de, Seigneur de Tavanes. Mémoires de très noble et très illustre Gaspard de Saulx, seigneur de Tavanes,
Mareschal de France, admiral des mers de Levant, Gouverneur de Provence, conseiller du Roy, et capitaine de cent hommes
d'armes. Château de Lugny: Fourny, 1653.
The first phase of the battle,
including the Imperial advance, the rout of the Florentine cavalry, the division of the landsknechts, and the advance and retreat of the
Spanish heavy cavalry.
The second phase of the battle, including the rout of the Neapolitan cavalry and the landsknechts, Sanseverino's withdrawal, Enghien's
cavalry attacks, the retreat of the Spanish-German infantry, and the return of the French and Swiss infantry from Ceresole.
Battle of Serravalle 1544
Date
Location
Result
2–4 June 1544[1][2]
Serravalle, Apennine Mountains (present-day San Marino)
Decisive Spanish-Imperial victory[1]
Belligerents
Kingdom of France
Italian mercenaries
•
Spain
Holy Roman Empire
Pietro Strozzi
Alfonso d'Avalos
The Battle of Serravalle took place on June 2–4, 1544, at Serravalle, in the Apennine Mountains, San Marino, between the SpanishImperial army commanded by Don Alfonso d'Avalos, Marquis del Vasto, and a force of freshly-raised Italian mercenaries in French
service, led by Pietro Strozzi, member of the rich and famous Florentine family of the Strozzi, and Giovan Francesco Orsini, Count of
Pitigliano, during the Italian War of 1542–1546.[1]
Background Despite the collapse of the Spanish-Imperial army under Alfonso d'Avalos at the Battle of Ceresole (Spanish:
Cerisoles), the battle proved to be of little strategic significance.[3] At the insistence of Francis I of France, the French army resumed
the Siege of Carignano, where Pirro Colonna held out for several weeks.[1] Soon after the city's surrender, the impending invasion of
France itself by the forces of the Emperor Charles and Henry VIII of England, forced Francis to recall much of his army from
Piedmont, leaving the Count of Enghien without the troops he needed to take Milan.[1] The Spaniards, holding all the strong places of
Lombardy, were enabled to prevent d'Enghien from any further success.[4]
The Battle Pietro Strozzi, an Italian military leader in French service, who had collected an army of over 10,000 soldiers at
Mirandola, advanced boldly to Milan, in the hopes of joining d'Enghien there,[4] but on 2–4 June, the Spanish-Imperial army
commanded by Don Alfonso d'Avalos intercepted and defeated the Franco-Italian army of Pietro Strozzi and the Count of
Pitigliano.[1][2] The Strozzi's army was destroyed and the Spaniards obtained the total control of the Lombardy, ending the French
offensive of the François de Bourbon, Count of Enghien, to try to capture the Duchy of Milan.[1] The brilliant French victory at
Ceresole occurred two months earlier, finally resulted useless.[4]
Consequences The Milanese would remain in hands of the Emperor Charles, and in the end of the war saw a return to the status-quo
in northern Italy. In May, 1544, the Emperor invaded France with two armies.[2] One of them, led by the Imperial commander Ferrante
Gonzaga, Viceroy of Sicily, captured Luxembourg and moved towards Commercy and Ligny.[2][5] On 8 July, Ferrante Gonzaga
besieged Saint-Dizier, and the second army led by the Emperor Charles stationed in the Palatinate, soon joined him.[6] Meanwhile,
Henry VIII, had sent an army of some 40,000 men to Calais under the command of Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, and Charles
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk.[5]
Notes
1.
^ a b c d e f g Charles Oman p.242
2.
^ a b c d Knecht p.490
3.
^ Black. "Dynasty Forged by Fire" p.43
4.
^ a b c Leathes p.77
5.
^ a b Knecht p.491
6.
^ Blockmans. Emperor Charles V (1500–1558)
References
• Blockmans, Wim. Emperor Charles V (1500–1558). Translated by Isola van den Hoven-Vardon. New York: Oxford
University Press (2002) ISBN 0-340-73110-9.
• Oman, Charles. A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century. London: Methuen & Co. (1937)
• (Spanish) Modesto Lafuente. Historia General de España (Volume 12) [1]
• Denieul-Cormier, Anne. The Renaissance in France. Trans. Anne and Christopher Fremantle. London: George Allen and
Unwin Ltd 1969.
• Black, Jeremy. "Dynasty Forged by Fire" MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History 18, no. 3 (Spring 2006): 34–43.
ISSN 1040-5992.
• Stanley Leathes. The Cambridge Modern History. The Reformation: The end of the Middle Ages Chapter 2–3 (I) (II)
Habsburg and Valois (1903)
• Knecht, Robert J. Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1994)
ISBN 0-521-57885-X.
Siege of St. Dizier 1544
The Siege of St. Dizier took place in the summer of 1544, during the Italian War of 1542, when the Imperial army of Charles V
attacked the French city of St. Dizier at the beginning of its advance into Champagne. The siege was already underway when Charles
V himself arrived with an army of 14,100 (including 1600 sappers) on 13 July. The next day an imperial commander, René of Châlon,
Prince of Orange, was struck by a shot from the defenders, and died the next day with the Emperor by his bed (his title and lands
going to his famous cousin, William the Silent). On 23 July French outposts near the besieged town were overrun, but a French army
under the command of the Dauphin Henry maintained an observing position at Jalons. On August 17 the town surrendered. Charles
elected not to attack the Dauphin's army and instead pressed on to Soissons
Sieges of Boulogne (1544–1546)
There were two sieges of Boulogne, in the Pas-de-Calais, during the Italian War of 1542–1546. Boulogne was fortified and defended
as an English possession on the French mainland between 14 September 1544 and March 1550.[1]
First siege
Date
Location
Result
19 July - 18 September 1544
Boulogne, on the French coast of the English Channel
English victory
Belligerents
England
France
1. Charles Brandon,
2. King Henry VIII
1st
Duke
of
Suffolk
Vervin[2]
Strength
16,000 men
Unknown, perhaps 2000
The Siege of Boulogne took place from 19 July to 18 September 1544, during King Henry VIII of England's second invasion of
France. Henry was motivated by French aid to England's Scottish enemies. In 1543 he allied with Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor,
(also King of Spain), whose Catholic allegiances were, for a time, overruled by the political advantages of an alliance against France.
In early 1544, a large English force departed from Calais. Later it split into two parts. One part, under the Duke of Suffolk, moved to
the coast town of Boulogne and laid siege to it on 19 July. A few weeks later, Henry arrived to take command of the siege himself.
The lower section of the town, fortified lightly, fell quickly to heavy bombardment, which continued through August. By September,
the upper town was breached and taken, but the central castle still held out. The French garrison's firepower prevented any approach
on foot, so the English dug mines under the castle, and the French surrendered on 13 September. However, Charles V then made
peace with France. The French then attacked in the Second Siege of Boulogne. Over the following years, neither England nor France
found the strength to engage in full-on war with one another. French attempts to retake Boulogne failed, while English attempts to
gain more territory around Calais and Boulogne also failed. Henry awaited a large French invasion fleet which never came, and
subsequently much of the military resource during his and his son's reigns was diverted to war in Scotland.
Second siege The Second Siege of Boulogne was an engagement late in the Italian War of 1542-1546. The Dauphin's army
descended on Montreuil, forcing the Duke of Norfolk to raise the siege; Henry VIII himself left for England at the end of September
1544, ordering the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to defend Boulogne.[3] The two Dukes quickly proceeded to disobey this order:
leaving some 4,000 men to defend the captured city, they withdrew the rest of the English army to Calais.[4] The English army,
outnumbered, was now trapped in Calais; the Dauphin, left unopposed, concentrated his efforts on investing Boulogne.[5] On 9
October, a French assault nearly captured the city, but was beaten back when the troops prematurely turned to looting.[6]
The English armoury and the conclusion of the siege in 1550
Fortifications After Henry VIII's personal visit to Boulogne on 18 September the English began fortifying their position. Boulogne
had a high and low town, and the citadel of Boulogne was in the low town adjacent to the harbour near the mouth of the river Liane.
To the north a roman lighthouse called the 'Old Man' was fortified, and a new fort built between the Old Man and Boulogne in 1545
was called the 'Young Man.' The surveyor of these works was John Rogers who had been a master mason. The military engineer
Richard Lee and Thomas Palmer, treasurer of Guines, brought additional instructions directly from Henry VIII. Another outlying fort
was built on a hill to east from May 1546. Now called Mont Lambert, it was then called Boulemberg. However, Nicolas Arnold, the
captain of Boulogne complained of its shortcomings; it held no well, or room for storage. It was abandoned in 1549 on the approach
of a French army. The French fortified south of the Liane, building the Fort de Châtillon and Fort d'Outreau. The building of any new
fortifications was supposed to have ceased under the Treaty of Camp (or Treaty of Ardres) made in June 1546. The treaty provided
that the English would evacuate Boulogne in 1554 in return for 2,000,000 crowns.[7] The English possession of Boulogne was
eventually compromised by the French construction of a fort at Marquise, north of the town, which could blockade supplies.[8]
Although records are incomplete, it is clear that large numbers of English labourers died or became sick during the works. Of 1,200
men sent in January 1545, only 300 were still working in June.[9]
Armoury The guns of Boulogne were listed in the inventory of English crown possessions taken after Henry VIII's death on 20
January 1548. Most of their wheels and stocks were said to be rotten and decayed. The totals were; 4 cannons; 5 demi-cannons; 10
culverins; 14 demi-culverins; 18 sakers; 21 falcons, falconets, and chamber falcons; 25 great brass mortars; 19 small brass mortars; 9
iron mortars; 3 iron bombards; 3 iron cannon-perrier; 16 port-pieces; 24 fowlers; 7 slings; 12 double bases; 54 shrimp bases; 114
privy bases; 2 robinets; and 73 brass hagbuts. The guns were in four positions; the Old Man; High Boulogne; Base Boulogne; and the
Boulemberg (Mont Lambert).[10] When Boulogne was returned to France in March 1550, Edward VI noted that the guns too would be
handed over. These included recently captured pieces and; 2 basilisks; 2 demi-cannon; 3 culverins; 2 demi-culverins; 3 sakers; 16
falcons; 94 arquebus a croc with wooden tails (muskets for fixed positions); and 21 iron guns.[11]
Continuing conflict There was a truce between the French and English at Boulogne according to a treaty made between Edward VI
of England and Francis I of France in March 1547.[12]In June 1547, an international dispute arose over a wall the English were
building at the harbour. The French claimed it was a new fortification in breach of truce under the Treaty of Camp, while the English
maintained that it was merely a sea wall to protect the haven. In the diplomacy, this dispute was connected with arguments over
English and French intentions and intervention at St Andrews Castle in Scotland.[13] In the summer of 1548, the French observed the
mole was provided with a flanker and cannon; the English insisted it was merely to protect the workmen. French ships fired at it and
the English returned fire.[14] Edward Seymour, 1st Duke of Somerset told François van der Delft that the French were constructing
forts at Boulogne in contravention of treaty in September 1548; in December the French managed to destroy two new outposts the
English were building, and another fort nearer to Guînes and Calais called Fort Fiennes.[15] A major French attempt on Boulogne by
the French was repulsed in May 1549. The Imperial ambassador, Simon Renard, reported a failed assault on the fort at Boulemberg,
or Mount Lambert. The French leader, Gaspard II de Coligny, sieur de Châtillon, a nephew of the Constable of France, set ladders
against the fort at 2:00am but the alarm was sounded by members of the garrison who he believed he had successfully bribed. 200
French were killed. The English suspected treachery as four guns blew up on their first firing and around seventy men were absent
without leave. The womenfolk in the fort were said to have saved the day. Some laughed at Châtillon, saying he had made his scaling
ladders too short, although the action was well-conceived as the fort was crucial to the defence of the town. Moreover, the action was
said to be in breach of treaty.[16] Edward VI recorded this night assault in his chronicle, with a failed attempt to burn the ships in the
harbour. In the summer, Coligny bombarded the pier with a battery of 20,000 shot, and blockaded the mouth of the haven with
artillery. The English over-ran this artillery position and the French set up another which was less commanding. An attempt to foul the
harbour with a hulk laden with stones also failed to incovenience the English garrison.[17]
English withdrawal Although by the Treaty of Camp, the English had agreed to evacuate Boulogne in 1554, the town was returned
to France in 1550 under the Treaty of Boulogne which also concluded the war of Rough Wooing in Scotland. Simon Renard reported
that the English captain accepted his order to surrender from the Privy Council with a sigh. Henry II of France formally entered the
town on 16 May 1550. He stayed three days and visited the forts of the Boulemberg, Ambleteuse, the Tower of Ardres, the Great Fort
and Fort Châtillon (also called Châtillon's garden). He was impressed with some of these recent fortification works and also with the
English scheme for bringing freshwater to the town. Henri II determined to continue building the English star fort at Ambleteuse and
the neighbouring work at Blackness. The French also admired the mole, which they called 'la Dunette,' and when completed Henri II
compared it to a Roman work.[18] The Basilica of Notre-Dame de Boulogne, destroyed or badly damaged by the English, was to be
rebuilt, Henri II gave the church a silver statue of Our Lady, and other nobles subscribed money.[19]
In popular media The First Siege of Bolougne was depicted in the 4th season of the television series The Tudors.
Notes
^ Colvin, Howard, ed., The History of the King's Works, vol. 3 part 1, HMSO (1975), 383-393.
1.
2.
^ John Ponet, Treatise on Political Power, Chap. IV (1556).
3.
4.
^ Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 47; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 396–397.
5.
^ Elton, England Under the Tudors, 195; Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 47, 51–52; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 397.
6.
^ Arnold, Renaissance at War, 180; Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 48–50.
7.
^ Colvin, Howard, ed., History of the King's Works, vol. 3 part 1, (1975) 383-393.
8.
^ Calendar State Papers Spanish, vol. 9 (1912), 274 & note.
9.
^ History of the King's Works, vol. 3 part 1 (1975), 392 citing Letters & Papers Henry VIII, vol. 20 part 1, nos. 121,
925.
10.
^ Starkey, David, ed., Inventory of Henry VIII, vol. 1, Society of Antiquaries (1998), 132, no. 6170-6188.
11.
^ Jordan, W. K., ed., The Chronicle and Political Papers of Edward VI, George Allen & Unwin, (1966), 21-22.
12.
^ Calendar of State Papers Foreign Edward VI, (1861), 10, noted only; see Foedera, vol. 15, (1725), 135, Latin.
13.
^ Calendar of State Papers Spanish, vol. 9 (1912), 505-6, 511, 513, 522.
14.
^ Calendar State Papers Foreign, Edward VI, (1861), 352, Calais Papers 10 August 15498.
15.
^ Calendar State Papers Spanish, vol. 9 (1912), 291, 326.
16.
^ Calendar State Papers Spanish, vol. 9 (1912), 373, 376-377.
17.
^ Jordan, W. K., ed., The Chronicle and Political Papers of Edward VI, George Allen & Unwin, (1966),12, 16.
18.
^ de Rosny, A., Mémoires de la societé académique de Boulogne vol. 27, 'Documents inédits, concernant les sièges
de Boulogne, 1548-1549' (1912), 533: quoted HKW (1975), 390.
^ Calendar State Papers Spanish, vol. 10, (1914) 92-93, 24 May 1550.
19.
External links 17th-century plan of Boulogne, Fortified Places, by David Flintham
References
Italian Wars portal
•
Arnold, Thomas F. The Renaissance at War. Smithsonian History of Warfare, edited by John Keegan. New York:
•
•
•
Elton, G. R. England Under the Tudors. A History of England, edited by Felipe Fernández-Armesto. London: The Folio
Society, 1997.
Phillips, Gervase. "Testing the 'Mystery of the English'". MHQ: The Quarterly Journal of Military History 19, no. 3 (Spring
2007): 44–54. ISSN 1040-5992.
Scarisbrick, J. J. Henry VIII. London: The Folio Society, 2004.
Battle of the Solent 1545
Date
Location
Result
18 July 1545
Solent channel, off the south coast of England
Inconclusive
Belligerents
England
France
Claude d'Annebault
John Dudley
Strength
30,000 soldiers in more than 200 ships
12,000 soldiers in 80 ships
?
about 400 lost in sinking of "Mary Rose"
The naval Battle of the Solent took place on 18 and 19 July 1545 during the Italian Wars, fought between the fleets of Francis I of
France and Henry VIII of England, in the Solent channel off the south coast of England between Hampshire and the Isle of Wight.
The engagement was inconclusive and is most notable for the sinking of the English carrack Mary Rose. In 1545, King Francis I of
France launched an invasion of England with 30,000 soldiers in more than 200 ships. Against this armada — larger than the Spanish
Armada forty-three years later — the English had about 80 ships and 12,000 soldiers. The French expedition started disastrously, the
flagship Carraquon perishing in an accidental fire at anchor in the Seine on 6 July 1545. Admiral Claude d'Annebault transferred his
flag to La Maistresse which then ran aground as the fleet set sail. The leaks were patched and the fleet crossed the Channel. The
French entered the Solent and landed troops on the Isle of Wight and the Sussex coast. The French invasion force which had landed at
the Isle of Wight were defeated, and forced to retreat, by a local militia in the Battle of Bonchurch. On 18 July 1545 the English came
out of Portsmouth and engaged the French at long range, little damage being done on either side. La Maitresse was on the point of
sinking due to the damage she had sustained earlier but although d'Annebault had to change his flagship again she was saved from
foundering. On the night of 18 July King Henry dined aboard Great Harry, the flagship of Admiral John Dudley, Viscount Lisle. The
next day was calm, and the French employed their galleys against the immobile English vessels. Toward evening a breeze sprang up
and as Mary Rose, the flagship of Vice Admiral George Carew, advanced to battle she foundered and sank with the loss of all but 3540 of her crew. The exact reasons for the sinking are not known, but it was believed at the time that the crew had been negligent and
forgot to close the lower gunports after firing at the galleys, so that when she heeled over in the breeze she took on water and turned
over. A witness on board the French fleet believed that the galleys had sunk her, though this is not supported by other contemporary
accounts and no physical evidence of this remains.[1] The French troops ashore made no progress and returned to France in August.
Notes
1. ^ Stirland (2000), pp. 22–23.
References
• Loades , David, The Tudor Navy: An administrative, political and military history. Scolar Press, Aldershot. 1992. ISBN 085967-922-5
• Marsden, Peter, Sealed by Time: The Loss and Recovery of the Mary Rose. The Archaeology of the Mary Rose, Volume 1.
The Mary Rose Trust, Portsmouth. 2003. ISBN 0-9544029-0-1
• Rodger, Nicholas A. M., The Safeguard of the Sea: A Naval History of Britain 660–1649. W.W. Norton & Company, New
York. 1997. ISBN 0-393-04579-X
• Stirland, Ann J., Raising the Dead: The Skeleton Crew of Henry VIII's Great Ship, the Mary Rose. John Wiley & Sons,
Chichester. 2000. ISBN 0-471-98485-X
French invasion of the Isle of Wight 1545
The French invasion of the Isle of Wight occurred during the Italian Wars. France had a long history of attacking the Island, and the
1545 campaign proved to be the last time the French would attempt to take it.[1] Although the French forces, led by Claude
d'Annebault,[2] greatly outnumbered that of the English, the battles fought (including the battles of the Solent and Bonchurch) ended
without a clear winner. However, as the French were repelled, it could be considered an English victory.[3] Though the operation was
inconclusive, England suffered heavily, including the loss of the carrack Mary Rose in the Battle of the Solent.[4] Details of the
conflict have not been very well recorded, and some accounts claim that the French were defeated at each battle rather easily.[5] French
strategy was to effect a landing at Whitecliff Bay and cross Bembridge Down to attack Sandown, and another landing at Bonchurch
with a view to marching to link up at Sandown. The northern force was intercepted whilst crossing the Down, but fought its way to
Sandown Castle, which was then under construction offshore. Both forces were repulsed after stiff fighting. The event is
commemorated by a plaque in Seaview which reads: "During the last invasion of this country hundreds of French troops landed on the
foreshore nearby. This armed invasion was bloodily defeated and repulsed by local militia 21st July 1545".The veracity of this
account has been challenged by the Isle of Wight Historical Review, pointing out that there were few if any local inhabitants and the
militia may have been sent from the mainland and that the numbers involved are uncertain. Contemporary accounts suggest that the
French (or their mercenaries) sacked the area in order to provoke the English Fleet into battle against a far larger fleet and the
settlement at Nettlestone and Nettlestone Manor were burnt. Of the invasion Martin Du Bellay wrote: "...To keep the enemy's forces
separated, a simultaneous descent was made in three different places. On one side Seigneur Pierre Strosse was bidden to land below a
little fort where the enemy had mounted some guns with which they assailed our galleys in flank, and within which a number of
Island infantry had retired. These, seeing the boldness of our men, abandoned the fort and fled southwards to the shelter of a copse.
Our men pursued and killed some of them and burned the surrounding habitations..." A later account from Sir John Oglander says:
"...They landed at three several places at one time, purposely to divide our forces. Pierre Strosse landed at St Helens where there was a
little fort, and beat our men, being divided from the fort, into the woods. Le Seigneur de Tais, General of the Foot, landed at
Bonchurch, where there was a hot skirmish between them and us, and on either party many slain..." The French seem to have landed
at undefended points and then attacked defences from inland. At Whitecliff Bay and at Bonchurch they moved swiftly to seize the
high ground. However the attacks were expected and in both cases local forces reached the high grounds to oppose them. At
Bonchurch the French landed easily at Monk's Bay, but were then faced with the difficulty of breaking out from what is known
descriptively as the "Undercliff". Their solution -probably with little local knowledge- was to ascend the extremely steep slopes of St
Boniface and Bonchurch Downs, which are over 700 feet (210 m) high. The defenders thus had them at a considerable advantage,
having taken up positions on the top of the hill.
References
1.
^ ([dead link] – Scholar search) Isle of Wight Heritage, http://www.greenislandtourism.org/heritage.htm, retrieved 2007-1018
2.
^ Glete, Jan (2000). Warfare at Sea, 1500-1650: Maritime Conflicts and the Transformation of Europe. Routledge.
pp. 141. ISBN 0415214548.
3.
^ Murray, John (1876). A Handbook for Travellers in Surrey, Hampshire, and the Isle of Wight. J. Murray. pp. 396.
4.
^ Chisholm, Hugh (1911). The Encyclopædia Britannica: A Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, Literature and General
Information. Encyclopædia Britannica. pp. 627.
5.
^ Rose, John Holland (1909). Dumouriez and the Defence of England Against Napoleon. J. Lane Company. pp. 47.
External links
• Official website of the Isle of Wight
• Memorial plaque
• Isle of Wight Historical Review
Battle of Bonchurch
Monks Bay in 2008. French troops advanced from the bay before they reached St. Boniface Down, the location where the fighting
took place.
July, 1545
Date
Bonchurch, The Isle of Wight, England
Location
50°36′12.46″N 1°11′55.43″W50.6034611°N 1.1987306°WCoordinates:
50°36′12.46″N
1°11′55.43″W50.6034611°N 1.1987306°W
English victory [1][2]
Result
Le Seigneur de Tais[1][3] Approx 500 soldiers[2]
Robert Fyssher[2] 300[2]-2800[3] militiamen
The Battle of Bonchurch took place sometime in late July 1545 at Bonchurch on the Isle of Wight.[2] No source of information states
a specific date, although it could have happened on 21 July.[3] The battle was a part of the wider Italian War of 1542-1546, and the
battle took place during the 1545 French invasion of the Isle of Wight. Several landings were made by the French during the invasion
of the Isle of Wight, including the one at Bonchurch.[3] The two combatants were the Kingdom of England and France.[2] England won
the battle, and the French advance across the Isle of Wight was halted.[2] The battle was fought between French regular soldiers, and
English militiamen.[3] The number of French soldiers involved is believed to be around 500.[2] The number of English militiamen is
uncertain, with one source of information stating 300, and another stating 2800.[2][3] English forces at the battle are understood to have
been commanded by Captain Robert Fyssher, whilst French forces engaged were commanded by Le Seigneur de Tais.[1][2][3] The
battle was one of several that were fought between the English and the French on the Isle of Wight.[3] The majority of sources of
information regarding the battle state that the English won,[1][2] although one source of information states that the French were
victorious.[3] The battle was fought because it was part of the French attempt to cause enough damage to the Isle of Wight to force the
English ships standing off the coast of England to leave their defensive positions and attack in conditions favourable to the French.[3]
The landing at Bonchurch was one of several made by the French on the Isle of Wight, with others taking place at Sandown,
Bembridge and St Helens.[3]
Background The Italian War of 1542-1546 occurred because the disputes between the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V and Francis I
of France had not been settled by the Italian War of 1535-1538, and those disputes resulted in a war between France, aided by the
Ottoman Empire and Jülich-Cleves-Berg, and the Holy Roman Empire, aided by the Kingdom of England, Spain, Saxony, and
Brandenburg. After two years of fighting Charles V, and Henry VIII of the Kingdom of England, invaded France. In September 1544,
English forces captured Boulogne. France attempted to re-capture the city by force, but failed. Peace talks to end the fighting between
England and France did not yield any positive results, partly because Henry VIII refused to consider returning Boulogne.[4] As a result
of the failure of diplomacy to get back Boulogne for France, Francis I decided to invade England, hoping that Henry VIII would
return Boulogne to France in return for French forces leaving England. Thirty thousand French troops and a fleet of some 400 vessels
were assembled.[5] The fleet left Le Havre, in France, on 16 July. On 18 July, the hostile engagement of French and English ships by
the English coast marked the beginning of the Battle of the Solent. On that day, the outnumbered English ships withdrew.[3] The
English hoped to lure the French ships into the shallows and narrow channels of the Spithead, but the French wanted to attack the
English in the more open waters of the eastern Spithead where the English ships could be encircled and annihilated.[3] To entice the
English ships to abandon their defensive position, and engage the numerically greater French ships, the French decided to invade the
Isle of Wight, burning buildings and crops.[3] France hoped that the residents of the Isle of Wight would support them, and rebel
against England, and that the Isle of Wight could be used a base to challenge the English.[6] French troops landed on the Isle of Wight,
on 21 July. England would oppose this invasion of the Isle of Wight. The Hundred Years War had resulted in the society which
existed on the Isle of Wight being very militarised. Every male adult was obligated to fight when needed, and they participated in
regular military training. The Captain of the Isle of Wight, Sir Richard Worsley of Appledurcombe House, is considered to have been
a “capable and energetic commander”. He was assisted by Sir Edward Bellingham, an officer in the regular English army, along with
a headquarters staff. The English militiamen were equipped with "long pikes topped with a bill hook, and daggers, knives and clubs
for close fighting", as well as the Welsh longbow. The French soldiers were equipped with firearms, and steel blades. The militiamen
had the advantage of superior morale, speed and agility.[3] The plan for the advance of the French soldiers at Bonchurch may have
been to burn Wroxall and Appuldurcombe, capture and consolidate a position on the heights of St. Boniface Down, and then move
towards Sandown to link up with a French landing there.[2] The area around Bonchurch became important in its own right because
Dunnose Point, near Bonchurch, offered a safe anchorage for French ships.[3] There were also sources of fresh water nearby that could
be used by the soldiers and sailors of the fleet.[3]
PreludeFrench troops were landed at three locations on the coast of the Isle of Wight, and the total number of French soldiers who
were landed was 2000.[7] Bonchurch was one of the three places where French troops landed, and the number of soldiers who landed
at Bonchurch is believed to be around 500.[2] The landing was unopposed and the French forces began to advance inland, up steep
thickly wooded slopes.[3] The Isle of Wight militia, however, learnt about the French invasion very quickly. 300 soldiers of the militia,
under the command of Captain Robert Fyssher, were waiting at St. Boniface Down for the French to advance from Monks Bay.[2]
Battle Reports of the fighting are confused,[2] and therefore no fully comprehensive account of the battle has been agreed upon.
However, the battle could have taken place at dawn (the day of the battle is unknown), and lasted until midday.[2] Some records of the
battle say that some women of the Isle of Wight participated in the battle by shooting arrows at the French.[2]
Did the French win the battle? One source of information states that the French won the battle at Bonchurch. This source says that
the English forces opposing the French were not local militiamen, but militamen from Hampshire. The English forces took up a
defensive position, a fact which is agreed upon by another account of the fighting, and were flanked by cliffs and screened by woods.
According to this account, the number of English troops was 2,800. The first French attack was repelled but Le Seigneur de Tais,
commander of the French forces involved in the battle, rallied his troops. A second French attack against the English forces was
launched, with the French forces arranged into the 'array' fighting formation. The account concludes its description of the fighting by
saying that, after heavy casualties were sustained by both sides, the English line broke and the militia routed as a result of the second
attack by the French. The account also states that Captain Robert Fyssher, which another source of information states commanded the
English forces during the battle, is reported to have shouted out, as the militia routed, offering £100 for anyone who could bring him a
horse, because he was too fat to run. A quote by Sir John Oglander is recorded, which reads that “but none could be had even for a
kingdom”. The captain was never heard from again, and the account states that he was either killed, or captured and then buried at
sea.[3]
Aftermath The casualties for both sides were heavy.[2][3] The battle resulted in the French invasion of the Isle of Wight being
stopped.[2] Another skirmish took place at Bonchurch several days after the battle, when English forces engaged with French men who
had disembarked from French ships retreating from Portsmouth looking for water.[2] A senior French commander, Chevalier D'Aux,
was killed as a result of the engagement.[2][3] The English victory at Bonchurch only had a marginal impact on the course of the Italian
War of 1542-1546, because the battle only involved a very small number of men relative to the numbers of men that were engaged
throughout the entirety of the war. The fact that it only had a marginal impact is also because, if the French had captured the Isle of
Wight, it is unlikely that that capture would have drastically affected the course of the war, because there were more significant
territories that were being contested. The Isle of Wight could have been used to support French operations against England had it been
captured; Claude d'Annebault, commander of the French armada, recorded that “having it [the Isle of Wight] under our control, we
[the French] could then dominate Portsmouth... and so put the enemy to extraordinary expense in maintaining a standing army and
navy to contain us.”[3] Although some sources do state that the victory at Bonchurch was responsible for the French withdrawal from
the Isle of Wight, the source of information which states that the French won the battle says that fighting at Bembridge was what
drove the French from the island.[3]
Sources
• Goodwin, John. Bonchurch from A-Z. Bonchurch: The Bonchurch Trading Company, 1992. ISBN 873009 003
• Knecht, Robert J. Renaissance Warrior and Patron: The Reign of Francis I. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
ISBN 0-521-57885-X.
• Scarisbrick, J. J. Henry VIII. London: The Folio Society, 2004.
References
1.
^ a b c d False Prophets, http://web.ukonline.co.uk/lordcornell/iwhr/plaq.htm, retrieved 2008-01-02
2.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u Goodwin, Bonchurch from A-Z, 7.
3.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w The Last Invasion of the Isle of Wight, http://www.iwbeacon.com/The-LastInvasion-of-the-Isle-of-Wight-The-Battle-of-Portsmouth.aspx, retrieved 2008-02-14
4.
^ Robert Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 501; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, 397–398.
5.
^ Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 502; Phillips, "Testing the 'Mystery'", 50–51.
6.
^ Mary Rose Dossier disaster, http://www.thenewscentre.co.uk/rose/disaster.htm, retrieved 2007-01-02
7.
^ (– Scholar search) Isle of Wight Heritage, archived from the original on May 6, 2007,
http://web.archive.org/web/20070506202312/http://www.greenislandtourism.org/heritage.htm, retrieved 2007-10-18
Italian Warlords
Andrea Doria
(1466 - 1560)
Portrait of Andrea Doria, c. 1520, by Sebastiano del Piombo - Andrea Doria as the god Neptune, by Agnolo Bronzino
Born November 30, 1466 Oneglia, Died November 25, 1560 (aged 93) Genoa
Parents
Ceva Doria and Caracosa Doria
Andrea Doria (or D'Oria) (30 November 1466 – 25 November 1560) was an Italian condottiere and admiral from Genoa.Early life
Doria was born at Oneglia from the ancient Genoese family, the Doria di Oneglia branch of the old Doria, de Oria or de Auria family.
His parents were related: Ceva Doria, co-lord of Oneglia, and Caracosa Doria, of the Doria di Dolceacqua branch. Orphaned at an
early age, he became a soldier of fortune, serving first in the papal guard and then under various Italian princes. In 1503 he was
fighting in Corsica in the service of Genoa, at that time under French vassalage, and he took part in the rising of Genoa against the
French, whom he compelled to evacuate the city. From that time onwards, he became famous as a naval commander. For several
years he scoured the Mediterranean in command of the Genoese fleet, waging war on the Turks and the Barbary pirates.
Wars between France and the Holy Roman Empire In the meanwhile Genoa had been recaptured by the French, and in 1522 by
the armies of the Holy Roman Emperor. But Doria joined the French or popular faction and entered the service of King Francis I of
France, who made him captain-general; in 1524 he relieved Marseille, which was besieged by the Imperialists, and later helped to
place his native city once more under French domination. Dissatisfied with his treatment at the hands of Francis, who was mean about
payment, he resented the king's behavior in connection with Savona, which he delayed handing back to the Genoese as he had
promised. Consequently, on the expiration of Doria's contract he entered the service of Emperor Charles V (1528).
Re-establishment of the Genoese Republic Doria ordered his nephew Filippino, who was then blockading Naples in alliance with a
French army, to withdraw; Doria then sailed for Genoa where, with the help of some leading citizens, he expelled the French and reestablished the republic under imperial protection. He reformed the constitution in an aristocratic sense, most of the nobility being
Imperialists, and put an end to the factions which divided the city, by creating 28 Alberghi or "clans". The 28 Alberghi that formed
this new ruling class included the Cybo, Doria, Fieschi, Giustiniani, Grimaldi, Imperiale, Pallavicino, and Spinola families.[1][2] He
refused offers to take the lordship of Genoa and even the dogeship, but accepted the position of "perpetual censor", and exercised
predominant influence in the councils of the republic until his death. The title "censor" in this context was modeled on its meaning in
the Roman Republic (i.e. a highly respected senior public official - see Roman censor), rather than its modern meaning having to do
with censorship. He was given two palaces, many privileges, and the title of Liberator et Pater Patriae (Liberator and Father of his
Country).
Doria as imperial admiral As imperial admiral he commanded several expeditions against the Ottoman Empire, capturing Koroni
and Patras, and co-operating with the emperor himself in the capture of Tunis (1535). Charles found him an invaluable ally in the
wars with Francis I, and through him extended his domination over the whole of Italy. In February 1538, Pope Paul III succeeded in
assembling a Holy League (comprising the Papacy, Spain, the Holy Roman Empire, the Republic of Venice and the Maltese Knights)
against the Ottomans, but Hayreddin Barbarossa defeated its combined fleet, commanded by Andrea Doria, at the Battle of Preveza in
September 1538. This victory secured Turkish dominance over the Mediterranean for the next 33 years, until the Battle of Lepanto in
1571. He accompanied Charles V on the ill-fated Algiers expedition of 1541, of which he disapproved, and which ended in disaster.
For the next five years he continued to serve the emperor in various wars, in which he was generally successful and always active,
although now over seventy years old.
Later years After the Peace of Crépy between Francis and Charles in 1544, Doria hoped to end his days in quiet. However, his great
wealth and power, as well as the arrogance of his nephew and heir Giannettino Doria, had made him many enemies, and in 1547 the
Fieschi conspiracy to dislodge his family from power took place. Giannettino was killed, but the conspirators were defeated, and
Doria showed great vindictiveness in punishing them, seizing many of their fiefs for himself. He was also implicated in the murder of
Pier Luigi Farnese, duke of Parma and Piacenza, who had helped Fieschi. Other conspiracies followed, of which the most important
was that of Giulio Cybo (1548), but all failed. Although Doria was ambitious and harsh, he was a patriot and successfully opposed
Emperor Charles's repeated attempts to have a citadel built in Genoa and garrisoned by Spaniards; neither blandishments nor threats
could win him over to the scheme. Nor did age lessen his energy, for in 1550, aged 84, he again put to sea to confront the Barbary
pirates, but with no great success. In 1552 the Ottoman fleet under the command of Turgut Reis defeated the Spanish-Italian fleet of
Charles V under the command of Andrea Doria in the Battle of Ponza (1552). War between France and the Empire having broken out
once more, the French seized Corsica in the Invasion of Corsica (1553), then administered by the Genoese Bank of St George. Doria
was again summoned, and he spent two years (1553-1555) on the island fighting the French with varying fortune. He returned to
Genoa for good in 1555, and being very old and infirm, he gave over the command of the galleys to his great-nephew Giovanni
Andrea Doria, the son of Giannettino Doria, who conducted an expedition against Tripoli, but proved even more unsuccessful than his
great-uncle had been at Algiers, barely escaping with his life after losing the Battle of Djerba against the Turkish fleet of Piyale Pasha
and Turgut Reis. Andrea Doria left his estates to Giovanni Andrea. The family of Doria-Pamphili-Landi is descended from Giovanni
Andrea Doria and bears his title of prince of Melfi. Judged by the standards of his day, Doria was an outstanding leader.
Ships Several ships were named in honour of the Admiral:
• The liner SS Andrea Doria, which was launched in 1951, had her maiden voyage in 1953 and sank in 1956.
• The battleship Andrea Doria, completed in 1891, which served in the late 19th and early 20th century, was stricken in 1911,
and served as the floating battery GR104 during World War I before being scrapped in 1929.
• The battleship Andrea Doria, completed in 1916, which served in both World War I and World War II and was stricken in
1956.
• The Italian missile cruiser Andrea Doria built in 1964 and decommissioned in 1991.
• The Italian Horizon-class frigate Andrea Doria, commissioned in 2007.
• Two United States Navy ships named USS Andrew Doria.
References
1.
^ “The Grimaldis of Monaco”, Anne Edwards, HarperCollins, 1992, [1], ISBN 0002151952
2.
^ “Genoa and the sea : policy and power in an early modern maritime republic, 1559-1684”, Thomas Allison Kirk,
Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005., pg. 25 [2], ISBN 0801880831
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Andrea Doria
•
•
This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed (1911). Encyclopædia
Britannica (Eleventh ed.). Cambridge University Press.
"Andrea Doria" in the 1913 Catholic Encyclopedia.
The Marquis del Vasto by Titian.
AVALOS, Alfonso d', marchese del Vasto
(1502 - 1546)
Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani
di GG. De Caro
AVALOS, Alfonso d', marchese del Vasto. - Nacque a Ischia il 25 maggio 1502, da una delle più illustri casate del Regno di Napoli,
figlio di Iñigo (II), marchese del Vasto, e di Laura Sanseverino; rimasto molto presto orfano, fu educato dalla zia Costanza,
principessa di Francavilla, famosa per avere virilmente difeso l'isola d'Ischia contro i Francesi nel 1593. Legato da grande affetto e
amicizia al più anziano cugino Ferdinando Francesco, il famoso marchese di Pescara, l'A. prese a militare giovanissimo nell'esercito
di lui. Partecipò alla battaglia della Bicocca nel 1522 e si distinse nel corso di questa campagna alla conquista di Lodi e alla
occupazione di Genova. Al comando di un reparto di fanteria italiana prese parte alla sfortunata campagna di Provenza del 1524 e
combatté all'assedio di Marsiglia: durante la ritirata gli fu affidato provvisoriamente dal marchese di Pescara il comando della fanteria
imperiale e l'A. ne diresse con felice esito il ripiegamento da Acqui a Pavia.
Un ruolo di rilievo l'A. ebbe nella battaglia di Pavia (24 febbr. 1525), nella quale comandava l'avanguardia dell'esercito imperiale,
costituita da millecinquecento lanzichenecchi e altrettanti archibugieri: con queste forze l'A., praticata una breccia nel muro del parco
di Mirabello, attaccò l'ala sinistra dello schieramento avversario e sostenne poi validamente l'urto della gendarmeria e dei
gentiluomini francesi guidati dallo stesso Francesco I, sino a che l'intervento del grosso dell'esercito imperiale pose fine
vittoriosamente alla battaglia. Dopo di questa l'A. fu incaricato dal marchese di Pescara di provvedere all'occupazione del marchesato
di Saluzzo, compiuta entro il luglio 1525.
Per queste sue imprese, su istanza del cugino, l'A. ottenne dall'imperatore la nomina a capitano generale di tutta la fanteria
dell'esercito d'Italia (25 nov. 1525). Alla morte del marchese di Pescara, sopravvenuta nel medesimo anno, l'A. ne ereditò i feudi e il
titolo, cui più tardi (1528) si aggiunsero i titoli di principe di Francavilla e di conte di Montescaglioso e Belcastro, e la carica di
governatore d'Ischia, ereditati dalla zia Costanza.
Insieme con Antonio de Leyva l'A. costrinse nel 1526 il duca Francesco II Sforza ad abbandonare Milano e a rinunziare a ogni
tentativo antimperiale.
Durante la campagna contro l'esercito della lega di Cognac l'A., mosso da scrupoli religiosi, tentò invano, rivolgendosi a Carlo V e ai
vari comandanti imperiali, di impedire il Sacco di Roma, e a quella impresa non volle partecipare.
Nel febbraio 1529 condusse la fanteria spagnola e italiana da Roma in soccorso di Napoli, assediata dal Lautrec, ma qui i suoi dissensi
con l'Orange giovarono non poco ai primi successi dei Francesi. L'A. assunse la direzione dell'esercito imperiale contro le forze dei
coalizzati francesi, fiorentini e veneziani, che, al comando di Renzo da Ceri, avevano portato la guerra in Puglia. Durante questa
campagna, che fu durissima anche per l'appoggio dato da una larga parte della popolazione ai collegati, l'A. non riuscì a ottenere alcun
successo importante e assediò invano per due mesi Monopoli.
Influì anche sui cattivi risultati della campagna la rivalità dell'A. con Ferrante Gonzaga, che comandava la cavalleria: inimicizia
dovuta soprattutto al carattere suscettibile e alla grande ambizione dell'A., il quale considerò sempre come rivali tutti i capitani e i
funzionari imperiali che gli furono vicini con qualche autorità e prestigio, l'Orange, il Gonzaga, Maramaldo, il viceré Pietro de
Toledo, il de Leyva, il cardinale Caracciolo, Lope de Soria, importunando spesso Carlo V con le sue lamentele e non meno spesso
provocando con la sua gelosia seri inconvenienti nella condotta delle imprese militari.
Nell'aprile del 1528 il viceré Ugo de Moncada, nel tentativo di togliere il blocco posto dai Francesi a Napoli e di permettere l'afflusso
di cereali dalla Sicilia, decise di affrontare con i suoi migliori capitani, tra cui l'A., la squadra navale comandata da Filippino Doria. In
questa battaglia, combattuta nel golfo di Salerno il 28 apr. 1528 e detta della Cava o di Capo d'Orso, le navi imperiali furono sconfitte,
il Moncada stesso ucciso e l'A. fatto prigioniero. Condotto a Lerici, l'A. seppe abilmente sfruttare il malcontento antifrancese di
Andrea Doria ed ebbe non piccolo merito nella defezione di lui dal campo francese, che fu di così grande importanza nel risolvere
questa fase della guerra in favore degli imperiali.
Nella distribuzione voluta da Carlo V nel 1529 dei feudi della nobiltà filofrancese del regno di Napoli ai nobili rimasti fedeli alla
Spagna, toccarono all'A. i feudi di Montesarchio, Castel Pagano, Val di Vituiano, Bisaccia, Gragnano, Procida e altri minori.
Nel settembre 1529 l'A. condusse cinquemila fanti spagnoli dalla Puglia in Toscana, alla guerra per la restaurazione medicea in
Firenze: vi si distinse conquistando Cortona (14 sett. 1529), Prato (febbr. 1530) ed Empoli (29 maggio 1530), che mise a sacco.
Richiesto di aiuti da Fabrizio Maramaldo che assediava Volterra, preferì recarvisi di persona assumendo il comando dell'assedio. La
sconfitta inflitta agli imperiali da Francesco Ferrucci e, più, le beffe degli assediati vittoriosi, misero l'A. in tale stato di furore che con
un gesto tipico del suo carattere debole e morbosamente orgoglioso abbandonò la guerra e se ne ritornò a Napoli. Qui, nel 1532,
arruolò un corpo di seimila fanti da condurre in soccorso di Ferdinando d'Asburgo in guerra con i Turchi, ma l'arretramento di questo
sino a Belgrado lo dissuase dal progetto.
Quando nel 1535 Carlo V organizzò la grande spedizione contro Tunisi, ne affidò la direzione all'Avalos. Fu questa una delle migliori
imprese militari dell'A., che al comando di venticinquemila fanti e duemila cavalli italiani, tedeschi e spagnoli conquistò il 14 luglio la
Goletta, dopo averla sottoposta a un massiccio bombardamento; il 16 luglio affrontò e sconfisse di fronte a Tunisi gli ottantamila
uomini del Barbarossa e il 20luglio, anche per la contemporanea insurrezione degli schiavi cristiani, conquistò Tunisi compiendo uno
spaventoso massacro degli abitanti.
Da Tunisi l'A. raggiunse in Lombardia l'esercito imperiale, che si accingeva ad invadere la Provenza, e tentò invano di sconsigliare
l'impresa che per l'esperienza fatta nel 1524 giudicava di esito assai incerto. Carlo V preferì invece seguire i consigli del de Leyva e
nel luglio 1536 iniziò la spedizione: l'A. fu messo a capo delle fanterie sotto il comando generale del de Leyva. Le sue pessimistiche
previsioni furono ampiamente confermate.
Morto il de Leyva, l'A. assunse il comando supremo e ordinò immediatamente la ritirata dalla regione. Essa avvenne tra grandissime
difficoltà, perché i Francesi si erano impadroniti saldamente dei punti di passaggio e non fu certo tra le minori imprese dell'A. aver
ricondotto i resti dell'armata in Piemonte. Qui, sino alla interruzione delle ostilità per la tregua stipulata il 16nov. 1537e poi per la
pace di Nizza del 18 giugno 1538,l'A. venne riorganizzando le sue forze e rioccupando lentamente i territori conquistati dai Francesi:
introdotti in città dalla popolazione di Casale Sant'Evasio (Casale Monferrato) i Francesi, l'A. accorse immediatamente a soccorrervi il
presidio spagnolo, scacciò i Francesi e mise la città a sacco; ritiratosi quindi in Asti vi sostenne vittoriosamente l'assedio dell'esercito
del d'Humières; ottenuti rinforzi passò al contrattacco e conquistò Chieri, Cherasco e Alba. La tregua colse l'A. mentre dirigeva
l'offensiva contro Pinerolo e Torino.
Le maggiori preoccupazioni non vennero tuttavia all'A. dai Francesi, ma dall'indisciplina delle sue stesse milizie, che prive da tempo
delle paghe si abbandonavano a saccheggi e violenze d'ogni genere e si rifiutavano di combattere. Aspri contrasti sorsero per questa
situazione tra l'A. e il governatore di Milano, il card. Marino Caracciolo, che si opponeva alla richiesta di una pesante tassazione
straordinaria, per non esaurire le già provate risorse economiche dello Stato. Questo contrasto raggiunse punte drammatiche, sia per
l'insofferenza e l'incomprensione del militare verso l'amministratore, sia per il carattere dell'A., intollerante dei limiti impostigli da
un'autorità non inferiore alla sua. Nel giugno del 1537 la situazione precipitò per l'insorgere di una violentissima rivolta militare. Le
truppe misero a sacco Valenza, attaccarono ripetutamente Tortona, si abbandonarono a violenze senza precedenti nelle campagne di
Alessandria. Di fronte alla minaccia di vedere completamente devastato lo Stato, il Caracciolo dovette piegarsi ad imporre ai cittadini
un ulteriore gravissimo sforzo e lo stesso A., con iniziative che indubbiamente esulavano dai suoi poteri, intervenne personalmente a
controllare le esazioni.
Risolto momentaneamente il problema della rivolta dei militari, rimaneva aperto quello gravissimo del contrasto di competenze tra il
potere militare e quello civile, destinato inevitabilmente a rinnovarsi. Alla morte del Caracciolo, nel 1538, Carlo V decise di
assommare nell'A. le due cariche di governatore dello Stato di Milano e di comandante dell'esercito d'Italia: provvedimento dettato
dalla necessità di non far risorgere pericolosi contrasti tra i massimi esponenti della politica imperiale nell'Italia settentrionale, che
tuttavia fu preso molto malvolentieri e con notevoli limitazioni dall'imperatore.
Significative sono in questo senso le istruzioni imperiali all'A. al momento della sua nomina a govematore, nelle quali è evidente
l'intenzione di fare di lui un semplice esecutore con minime possibilità di iniziativa sul piano amministrativo. L'autorità dell'A. veniva
limitata in un duplice modo: da una parte attribuendo intera alle magistrature milanesi la responsabilità dell'amministrazione
giudiziaria e finanziaria, dall'altra riservando allo stesso imperatore la decisione nelle più varie questioni, anche di ordinaria
amministrazione. Indirizzo della politica di Carlo V ribadito nelle Constitutiones dominii Mediolanensis, promulgate dall'imperatore
durante il suo soggiorno a Milano nell'agosto 1541e riconfermato con i cosiddetti Ordini di Vormazia,con i quali Carlo V da Worms,
il 6 ag. 1545, insistette nel raccomandare all'A. il rispetto delle funzioni dei magistrati milanesi. L'A. sentì queste limitazioni alla sua
autorità (che pure furono una costante della politica di Carlo V nell'ambito dello Stato milanese), come un segno di scarsa fiducia
personale e non mancò di fame continuo lamento a corte, provocando repliche piuttosto dure dell'imperatore.
In pratica, però, le necessità della guerra davano all'A. molta di quella autonomia che gli era teoricamente negata. Specialmente nel
campo finanziario, per il pressante bisogno di denaro e la corrispondente insufficienza dei redditi ordinari dello Stato, l'A. finiva
spesso per assumere iniziative che scavalcavano il Magistrato milanese, sfuggendo anche al controllo dell'imperatore lontano. Di qui
contrasti continui con l'apparato burocratico dello Stato, in linea di diritto intoccabile nelle sue antiche prerogative, di fatto molto
spesso esautorato dalle decisioni personali del governatore. D'altra parte, il governo dell'A. non ebbe mai l'energia che caratterizzò
invece quello del suo successore, il Gonzaga, e sovente le magistrature milanesi finivano, creando ritardi d'ogni genere, per rendere
inefficaci le misure disposte dal governatore.
I provvedimenti drastici, cui l'A. talvolta ricorse, per la loro occasionalità apparivano, ed erano, piuttosto segni di debolezza che di
energia. Così, nel giugno 1538,dopo la stipulazione della pace di Nizza, avendo invano insistito per ottenere il denaro liquido
necessario al pagamento degli arretrati alle truppe, l'A. decise improvvisamente di congedarle. I soldati, esasperati, si abbandonarono
a terribili violenze, occuparono e misero a riscatto Vigevano e Gallarate e minacciarono la stessa Milano. Lo spavento fu tale che una
taglia straordinaria di 100.000 scudi imposta dall'A. fu pagata senza le consuete esitazioni e resistenze; ma ne nacquero contro l'A.
proteste a non finire che si moltiplicarono poi per tutto il periodo del suo governo. Lo stesso Carlo V ricevette in più occasioni accuse
circostanziate contro l'amministrazione dell'A., sebbene questi facesse di tutto per impedire che le proteste giungessero a corte,
togliendo, per esempio, nel 1541,la carica al tesoriere generale Tommaso Fornari, che aveva preparato un memoriale contro di lui, o
mandando alla berlina, nel 1543,un fra' Urbano da Landriano, che aveva inviato una denuncia contro l'amministrazione al confessore
dell'imperatore, Pedro de Soto. Le accuse erano effettivamente più che giustificate: non solo l'A., stretto dalla necessità, privava,
secondo un rovinoso espediente del tempo, lo Stato delle sue entrate future svendendone le fonti più cospicue di reddito, sino a
raggiungere nel 1546 l'enorme cifra di 800.000ducati di rendite vendute o impegnate, ma compiva gravissime irregolarità nella
vendita degli uffici, che finivano nelle mani di funzionari inetti o disonesti, causa non ultima del dissesto dell'amministrazione,
concedeva ad alcune delle più ricche famiglie dello Stato esenzioni ingiustificate dalle contribuzioni, e conduceva una vita
fastosissima, con la moglie, Maria d'Aragona, nipote del re di Napoli Ferdinando, entrambi proteggendo artisti e letterati, come
Tiziano, Pietro Aretino, che dedicò all'A. la Marfisa, l'Angelica e la Vita di Caterina, e Iacopo Nardi che gli offrì la sua traduzione di
Tito Livio.
Perciò sin dal 1539 Carlo V inviò a Milano un suo autorevole rappresentante, Lope de Soria, con l'incarico di controllare l'operato
dell'A., e successivamente altri commissari, le cui accuse non furono certamente meno pesanti di quelle dei privati. L'A. non mancò
naturalmente di protestare per questo sindacato, che riteneva irrispettoso, ma con tanto poco successo che, recatosi nel 1546 a Madrid
per giustificarsi con l'imperatore, fu rinviato bruscamente all'esame dei revisori dei conti e soltanto la morte poté sottrarlo alle accuse.
Questa severità colpì l'A. non soltanto nel suo orgoglio, ma nello stesso sentimento di personale devozione all'imperatore, che
costituiva, oltre che l'unico vincolo con lo Stato, in un modo di sentire tipicamente feudale identificato tuttora col sovrano, anche
"l'unica ragion morale" (Chabod, Lo stato di Milano nell'Impero di Carlo V)della sua vita: sentimento, questo, comune a tutta la
nobiltà italiana passata al servizio spagnolo e radicatissimo nell'A., che alla fedeltà a Carlo V non venne mai meno. I sondaggi
compiuti dall'A. nel marzo del 1540 con il residente veneziano per proporsi come capitano generale della Repubblica, nati dal timore
di dover improvvisamente lasciare Milano, sul cui possesso, ai fini delle esigenze politico-strategiche spagnole in Italia, si andava
molto discutendo in quel periodo alla corte di Madrid, non ebbero seguito; quella devozione era invece provata nei momenti di più
urgente bisogno finanziario dalla pratica di impegnare o vendere i propri beni, feudi, argenteria e gli stessi gioielli della moglie, per
anticipare i denari per il pagamento delle truppe o per altre urgenti necessità.
Ma la considerazione della corte per l'A. diminuì anche per gli insuccessi che a questo riservò la guerra con la Francia ripresa nel
1542. Se la ragione effettiva della rottura della tregua di Nizza da parte di Francesco I fu l'investitura del ducato di Milano concessa
da Carlo V l'11 ott. 1540 al principe Filippo, l'occasione fu offerta proprio dall'A., che aveva fatto catturare e uccidere due
ambasciatori del re di Francia, Antonio Rincon e Cesare Fregoso, mentre attraversavano lo Stato di Milano, per recarsi a
Costantinopoli a trattare l'alleanza con Solimano II.
L'A. ottenne, alcuni importanti successi agli inizi della campagna, respingendo l'offensiva condotta in Piemonte da Claudio
d'Annebaut e liberando Mondovì dai Francesi e Nizza dai Turchi nel 1543; ma mentre si proponeva di passare in Francia per sostenere
l'avanzata inglese da Calais e l'attacco dalla Germania condotto con l'aiuto dei principi tedeschi, fu fermato a Ceresole Alba dal conte
d'Enghien Francesco di Borbone: l'A. tentò di ripetere la medesima manovra della battaglia di Pavia, ma fu clamorosamente sconfitto,
perdendo dodicimila uomini e tremila lasciandone prigionieri (14 apr. 1544). Tra le conseguenze militari di questa sconfitta l'A. riuscì
a evitare le peggiori, giacché, se non riuscì a impedire che i Francesi occupassero il Monferrato, seppe, però, evitare la perdita di tutta
la Lombardia, che per un momento era sembrata inevitabile, opponendosi validamente sia all'esercito francese sia a Piero Strozzi, che
tentava di raggiungere Milano dalla Mirandola, sino a che la pace di Crépy (18 sett. 1544) tolse l'A. dalla difficile situazione.
Ma il prestigio militare dell'A. aveva ricevuto un colpo durissimo anche presso i suoi stessi soldati: perduto il favore dell'imperatore,
fatto oggetto alle più gravi accuse da parte della popolazione dello Stato, sottoposto a una inchiesta amministrativa che giudicava un
vero affronto, l'A. morì nella più grande amarezza a Vigevano il 31 marzo 1546.
Fonti e Bibl.: Un sonetto dell'A. in Marittimi e Pedanteschi del sec. XVI, Venezia 1787, p. 208; Roma, Bibl. Corsiniana. Vita di A.
d'A. d'Aquino Marchese del Vasto,in Relazioni e Vite di personaggi illustri,cod. 829 (34-E-23); M. Guazzo, Historia... dell'anno 1524
sino a questo presente,Vinegia 1546, passim;A.Ulloa, La vita del valorosissimo e gran capitano Don Ferrante Gonzaga...,Venetia
1563, passim; Lettere di Principi, Venetia 1581, I, pp. 102, 187-196 e passim;III, pp. 12, 13 e passim;G. M. Burigozzo, Cronica
Milanese.in Arch. stor. ital.,III (1842), pp. 450, 456, 541, 545, 548, 551, 552; Relación de lo que sucedió en la conquista de Tunez y la
Goleta,in Colección de documentos inéditos para la historia de España,I, Madrid 1842, pp. 159-207, passim; Capítulo de carta de Juan
Perez à Carlos V, ibid., XIV, Madrid 1854, p. 497; Copia de letra del Rmo. Colonna al Rmo. Campegio legato à Roma, ibid.,p. 500;
Capítulos de carta de Lope de Soria à Carlos V, ibid.,p.500; B. Varchi, Storia Fiorentina,in Opere,I,Trieste 1858, passim;I. Nardi,
Istorie della città di Firenze,Firenze 1888, II, pp. 105, 107, 161, 190, 290; Diario inedito dell'assedio e della battaglia di Pavia...,a cura
di A. Bonardi, Pavia 1895, pp. 22 s.; Les suites du Sac de Rome par les Impériaux et la campagne de Lautrec en Italie,par H. Omont,
in Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire,XVI(1896), pp. 13-61, passim;P. Aretino, Il primo Libro delle lettere, a cura di F. Nicolini,
Bari 1913, lett. XXVII, XXXII, LXXXII, CC; Id., Il secondo Libro…, Bari 1916, passim; Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al
Senato,a cura di A. Segarizzi, II, Bari 1913, pp. 39, 51, 61, 77; Correspondencia de Carlos V con el Marqués del Vasto, Gobernator
del Milanesado...,in Boletín do la R. Academia de la Historia,LXXXVIII (1926), pp. 71-145; P. Giovio, Le vite del Gran Capitano e
del Marchese di Pescara,a cura di C. Panigada, Bari 1931, passim;F. Guicciardini, Scritti politici e ricordi,a cura di R. Palmarocchi,
Bari 1933, p. 210; Feudi e feudatari napoletani della prima metà del Cinauocento,a cura di N. Cortese, in Arch. stor. per le prov.
napol., n. s., XV (1929), pp. 62, 67, 108, 131-136, 138; XVI (1930), p. 86; J. E. Martínez Ferrando, Privilegios otorgados...,Barcelona
1943, nn. 176-190, pp. 21-23; G. De Leva, Storia documentata di Carlo V in correlazione all'Italia,II, Venezia 1864, passim;III,ibid.
1867, passim;D. Muoni, Tunisi. Spedizione di Carlo V imperatore,Milano 1876, passim;G.Capasso, Don Ferrante Gonzaga
all'impresa di Puglia del 1529, in Riv. stor. ital.,XII(1895), pp. 419-449, passim;L. Beltrami, La battaglia di Pavia illustrata negli
arazzi del marchese del Vasto,Milano 1896, A. Segre, Emanuele Filiberto e le ultime relazioni del duca Carlo II di Savoia con A. d'A.,
marchese del Vasto,in Atti d. R. Accad. d. scienze di Torino,XXXVIII(1902-03), pp. 788-815; V. Vitale, L'impresa di Puglia degli
anni 1528-1529, in Nuovo Arch. veneto.n. s., VII (1907), t. XIII, pp. 5-68; L. v. Pastor, Storia dei Papi,IV,2, Roma 1912, pp. 298,
311, 314, 319, 347; V, ibid. 1914, passim;R. Bergadani, Alba e le guerre in Piemonte tra Francia e Spagna dal 1537 al 1559, Alba
1912, passim;L. Cardauns, Von Nizza bis Crépy.Rom 1923, passim;C. Roth, L'ultima repubblica fiorentina,Firenze 1929, passim;F.
Chabod, Lo Stato di Milano nell'Impero di Carlo V,Roma 1934, passim;Id., Per la storia religiosa dello Stato di Milano durante il
dominio di Carlo V,Bologna 1938, passim;Id., Usi e abusi nell'amministrazione dello Stato di Milano a mezzo il '500, in Studi storici
in onore di Gioacchino Volpe,Firenze 1958, I, pp. 93-194, passim;K.Brandi, Kaiser Karl V,I-II, München 1942, passim;J.Garcia
Mercadal, Juan Andrea Doria, Condotioro y almirante del Emperador Carlos V,Madrid 1944, pp. 89, 148; L. Simeoni, Le
Signorie,Milano1950, II, passim;F. Chabod, in Storia di Milano, IX,Milano 1961, passim.
Gonzaga, Ferrante
1507 - 1557
di GG. Brunelli
GONZAGA, Ferrante. - Nacque a Mantova il 28 genn. 1507, terzogenito del marchese Francesco II e di Isabella d'Este.
Nell'adolescenza mostrò predilezione per gli esercizi cavallereschi. Già nel 1523, forse a causa di una condotta a tratti irrequieta, fu
inviato alla corte di Carlo V, accompagnato da P. Pico della Mirandola. La decisione fu anche politica: suo fratello, il marchese
Federico, già comandante generale delle truppe del papa e della Repubblica fiorentina, si stava infatti schierando fra i partigiani
dell'imperatore in Italia.
Giunto nell'estate 1523 a Valladolid, il G. comprese presto che l'esperienza poteva riuscirgli "de honore et de utile" (a Isabella d'Este,
Burgos, 29 maggio 1524, in Tamalio, 1991, p. 167). Si adeguò al sobrio stile della corte imperiale, acquistando rapidamente credito.
Mentre progressivamente allentava i legami con Mantova, mise a punto una strategia modellata sui cardini della cultura cortigiana:
sapendo che Carlo V faceva "più conto deli homini da guerra che de altra sorte che siano", il G. si preparò, attraverso la carriera
militare, a offrirgli esempi di "tal servitù" da ottenerne adeguata "mercede" (a Isabella d'Este, Burgos, 18 luglio e Valladolid, 9 ag.
1524: ibid., pp. 185 e 189). Nell'agosto 1526 vi furono i primi segni che Carlo V era disposto ad assecondare queste ambizioni: non
concedette al G. licenza di partire per sposarsi e gli assegnò una condotta di 100 uomini d'arme per passare in Italia, dove il conflitto
franco-imperiale era sul punto di riprendere.
Il G. si imbarcò poche settimane più tardi con i rinforzi destinati alla penisola, sotto il comando di Ch. de Lannoy, viceré di Napoli.
Giunto in Italia in novembre, visitò a Mantova i congiunti e prese servizio a Reggio Emilia presso il comandante delle truppe
imperiali nel Milanese, il conestabile Ch. de Bourbon-Montpensier, cui era legato da parentela. Quindi mosse col grosso dell'esercito
che, dopo la congiunzione con i lanzichenecchi (febbraio 1527), iniziava la marcia verso Sud, ottenendo i primi incarichi di comando
superiore. Fu l'assalto alle mura di Roma (6 maggio 1527) a offrirgli la migliore occasione di emergere: trovandosi sulla breccia
aperta nella cinta della Città leonina poco dopo l'inizio dell'attacco decisivo, contribuì a dissipare lo sbandamento seguito nelle truppe
alla morte del Bourbon-Montpensier. Ebbe invece scarso successo il suo tentativo di evitare il successivo sacco della città. Versando
una cospicua taglia alla soldatesca riuscì solo a salvare palazzo Colonna, dove dimorava la madre Isabella, permettendole a metà
maggio di uscire da Roma per raggiungere Mantova. Secondo i contemporanei il G. non ebbe parte del ricchissimo bottino ottenuto
nel sacco; nondimeno si procurò alcuni arazzi della cappella Sistina, della serie degli Atti degli apostoli (da cartoni di Raffaello),
riscattandoli da soldati spagnoli. Lasciò Roma alla fine del giugno 1527 per raggiungere Velletri col compito di tenere unite le genti
d'arme, ancora non pagate. Cadde quindi malato, accusando per tutto il successivo autunno violenti attacchi di febbre.
Quando gli Imperiali lasciarono Roma per muovere in soccorso del Regno di Napoli minacciato dai Francesi (gennaio 1528), il G. fu
nominato capitano generale dei cavalleggeri e divenne stretto collaboratore di Ph. de Chalon principe d'Orange, comandante in capo.
Nell'assedio imposto alla capitale da Odet de Foix, visconte di Lautrec, si distinse in azioni di disturbo all'approvvigionamento degli
assedianti, esponendosi tanto che in una delle sortite, alla fine del giugno 1528, cadde nelle mani dei nemici e solo "la furia de'
tedeschi lo liberò" (Guicciardini, p. 1953). Infine prese parte allo scontro di dimensioni più vaste, che, a fine agosto 1528, dopo la
morte del Lautrec, provocò la rotta dei Francesi.
A guerra conclusa il G. ottenne il ducato di Ariano (attuale Ariano Irpino), già del ribelle A. Carafa, provvisto di circa 12.000 ducati
di entrata. Nell'ottobre 1528 passò a combattere in Puglia, dove numerosi centri del litorale rimanevano in possesso di nobili e fazioni
locali ribelli all'autorità imperiale, appoggiati da forze francesi e veneziane. Al G., alla fine di febbraio 1529, fu affidato l'assedio di
due dei maggiori punti di resistenza, Barletta e Trani, mentre contro Monopoli si dirigeva Alfonso d'Avalos, marchese del Vasto.
Radunati circa 1500 cavalleggeri e un numero non inferiore di fanti, nella seconda metà di aprile 1529 il G. prese posizione in
Capitanata. Costretto a far fronte ai disordini fra le truppe e le popolazioni (soprattutto in Ascoli Satriano) e alle tensioni originate dai
mancati pagamenti, poté solo tentare qualche operazione in avanscoperta presso Barletta. Il marchese del Vasto, invece, riconquistò
alcuni centri del Gargano (Vieste, Vico e Monte Sant'Angelo) e, ottenuta dal principe d'Orange autorità sul contingente del G., decise
l'assedio di Monopoli. Il G. non accettò questa subordinazione e alla fine di maggio si recò a Napoli, dove iniziò trattative
matrimoniali con Isabella Di Capua, orfana ed erede di Andrea, duca di Termoli e principe di Molfetta. Rientrato a Venosa, pur
recando circa 20.000 ducati per i pagamenti alle truppe, ne mantenne a stento il controllo, tentando comunque azioni contro Barletta.
Quando però, all'inizio di luglio, giunse notizia della campagna decisa dall'imperatore contro Firenze (in seguito alla richiesta di
Clemente VII di riportare i Medici al governo), il G. subito manifestò il proposito di passare a quell'impresa, nonostante Molfetta e
Giovinazzo, feudi della sua promessa sposa, fossero cadute nelle mani dei nobili ribelli e dei Veneziani.
In un primo momento parve che egli dovesse rimanere a presidio del Regno di Napoli come luogotenente generale. Ma, pacificata
l'Italia meridionale (assegnata a Carlo V dalla pace di Cambrai del 5 luglio 1529), si affrettarono i preparativi delle operazioni contro
la Repubblica fiorentina e il G. fu chiamato dall'Orange come comandante dei cavalleggeri. Alla fine di luglio si recò a Napoli, dove
non poté superare difficoltà relative al contratto di matrimonio (concluso in segreto e per procura solo nell'agosto 1530, dopo che
erano fallite altre trattative con Isabella di Vespasiano Colonna). Quindi, alla fine di settembre 1529, il G. raggiunse il grosso delle
truppe, che aveva completato la marcia attraverso l'Umbria e si era impadronito della città (non della rocca) di Arezzo.
Mentre i Fiorentini apparivano intenzionati a concentrare le difese, le truppe dell'Orange si impadronirono del Valdarno superiore,
giungendo a metà ottobre nella pianura di Ripoli (oggi Bagno a Ripoli), sotto Firenze, per iniziare l'assedio. Il G. contribuì ad allestire
le posizioni offensive, posizionando batterie di artiglieria e durante le rare operazioni a fine 1529 si distinse per il deciso contrasto ai
tentativi di introdurre viveri nella città. Nello stesso periodo incontrò anche a Bologna l'imperatore e Clemente VII, dal quale ottenne
finanziamenti. Quindi l'assedio entrò nella fase decisiva. Nella prima metà del 1530 gli Imperiali bloccarono la città con rigore sempre
maggiore; gli assediati poterono solo tentare sortite, efficacemente contenute dalle truppe del Gonzaga. Respinto un primo tentativo di
accordo, nei primi giorni di agosto (a Gavinana) fu annientata una spedizione di soccorso, che doveva spezzare le linee degli
assedianti. Morto in questa occasione il principe d'Orange, il G., succeduto nel comando generale, trattò con Malatesta Baglioni,
comandante generale dei Fiorentini, ottenendo la resa della città con condizioni apparentemente moderate: i Medici sarebbero rientrati
in Firenze, che avrebbe conservato la propria libertà, ed entro quattro mesi Carlo V avrebbe determinato la nuova forma di governo.
L'ambiguità dei termini del trattato non nascondeva l'imminente fine della Repubblica; il G. ammise esplicitamente che suo fine era
stato "far questo honore" a Carlo V e "far che la satisfation de Nostro Signor [Clemente VII] segua sotto questa coverta" (lettera a
Federico II Gonzaga, duca di Mantova, 10 ag. 1530, in Sanuto, LIII, col. 462). Così, superate residue opposizioni interne dal Baglioni
stesso e dagli aristocratici fiorentini, il 10 ag. 1530 furono stabiliti i patti concordati.
L'operato del G. fu molto gradito a Clemente VII, soprattutto per il fermo controllo delle truppe imperiali che volevano il sacco della
città: così fu nominato governatore di Benevento, enclave pontificia nel Regno di Napoli. Anche Carlo V gli manifestò concretamente
la propria stima e nel dicembre 1531 lo insignì dell'Ordine del Toson d'oro. Quando poi, nella primavera 1532, riprese l'avanzata
ottomana in Ungheria, al G. fu assegnato il comando della cavalleria. Condotto a Vienna un corpo di circa 2500 uomini, nel settembre
1532 giunse a Linz, dove fu subito impegnato nel mantenere il controllo dell'esercito, scosso da contrasti fra soldati delle diverse
nazionalità e da ammutinamenti. Quanto alla condotta della guerra, il G. convenne con l'ipotesi di porre il campo sotto Vienna, ma si
trattò di una scelta non molto felice: i Turchi, infatti, non accettarono battaglia e, durante la ritirata, Carinzia e Croazia furono
devastate.
Il G. tornò in autunno presso Carlo V e lo precedette in Italia: quindi accompagnò l'imperatore all'incontro di Bologna con Clemente
VII e lo seguì a Milano. Solo nell'aprile 1533 ebbe una licenza, ma l'inattività durò pochi mesi: pur senza alcun incarico, infatti, non
rinunciò a prendere parte all'impresa contro Tunisi. Nel giugno 1535, per controbattere i pirati barbareschi e riprendere il controllo del
Mediterraneo, Carlo V aveva riunito a Barcellona un'armata da dirigere contro Khair ad-Dīn, il Barbarossa. Il G. giunse in Nordafrica
qualche giorno dopo la presa della Goletta da parte degli Imperiali. Accolto calorosamente, si distinse per valore nella battaglia del 20
luglio, vinta dalle forze di Carlo V. Presa la rocca di Tunisi e fuggito il Barbarossa, gli Imperiali si impadronirono facilmente della
città: il G. ne diede conto in una lettera data alle stampe, che ebbe vasta circolazione (Copia di una littera dil s. don Ferando
Gonzaga… de la presa de Tunizi…, s.n.t. [ma A. Blado], 1535).
Consapevole dell'importanza strategica che la Sicilia assumeva a seguito delle nuove conquiste, Carlo V ne nominò viceré il G. (2
nov. 1535), dandogli istruzione di rafforzarne le difese. Ebbe però appena il tempo di insediarsi, perché la morte del duca di Milano,
Francesco II Sforza, e la conseguente crisi negli equilibri della penisola lo allontanarono subito dal governo dell'isola. Nel dicembre si
recò a Napoli e seguì poi Carlo V a Roma (aprile 1536); l'occupazione francese della Savoia e del Piemonte lo richiamò al servizio
attivo nell'esercito imperiale.
Carlo V progettava di assalire alle spalle i Francesi, irrompendo in Provenza e a Nord, nella Piccardia. Il G. sconsigliò una mossa così
impegnativa, essendo la stagione troppo inoltrata, ma quando l'invasione fu decisa entrò in Provenza alla testa del contingente
d'avanguardia (fine luglio 1536). Mentre i Francesi, devastata la regione, si ritiravano per evitare una battaglia campale, gli Imperiali
(guidati dallo stesso Carlo V) avanzavano lungo il litorale. Il G. si distinse nella conquista di Brignoles, che permise all'imperatore di
impadronirsi anche di Aix-en-Provence (5 ag. 1536), ma si segnalò soprattutto per fatti non militari. Fu accusato infatti, insieme con
Antonio de Leyva, di aver fatto avvelenare il delfino di Francia, Francesco (deceduto il 10 agosto), e l'imperatore stesso intervenne
pubblicamente per allontanare i sospetti. Esaurita (inizio settembre 1536) l'avanzata e decisa la ritirata, il G. si recò a Mantova.
Nel marzo 1537 tornò in Sicilia e, trovato esausto l'Erario, convocò il Parlamento. Il generale colloquium aveva competenze su molte
materie (difesa e ordine pubblico, giustizia, amministrazioni locali) e determinava ammontare e modalità di riscossione del donativo,
la più importante imposta. Aperta la sessione il 10 apr. 1537, il G. ottenne cospicui finanziamenti per far fronte alla minaccia di
un'invasione ottomana; alla fine dell'estate, cessato l'allarme, poté dedicarsi a importanti questioni di governo: ispezionò le difese dei
principali centri, predisponendo gli interventi necessari, prese provvedimenti risoluti contro il banditismo e approntò una riforma
dell'amministrazione della giustizia civile. Perdurava però l'emergenza finanziaria. Il sistema di governo prevedeva, infatti, che il
Regno di Sicilia provvedesse in proprio alle spese correnti e a quelle militari, compresi i costi delle guarnigioni della Goletta e di
Bona, in Tunisia. Così, per soddisfare il fabbisogno, il G. programmò vendite di "terre" demaniali e uffici pubblici, tentò riforme dei
tributi sulla esportazione e il commercio interno dei cereali, appaltò le entrate fiscali a privati, ricorse persino a prestiti e a
composizioni di gravi vicende giudiziarie.
Nel contempo non rinunciò a iniziative più ampie, come la proposta di un accordo tra Khair ad-Dīn e Carlo V. Si trattava d'una mossa
del tutto aderente alla visione politica generale del G., che riteneva necessario consolidare il dominio imperiale nel Mediterraneo,
abbandonando progressivamente i teatri di conflitto nelle Fiandre e in Germania. Così, nell'aprile 1537 egli sostenne presso Carlo V le
proposte del Barbarossa, che si impegnava a lasciare il servizio della Porta se fosse stato posto a capo di uno Stato barbaresco da
Algeri a Tunisi, alleato della Spagna e legato all'imperatore da vincoli vassallatici. La trattativa durò nei mesi seguenti, mentre
riprendeva lo scontro militare. Il G., infatti, per non lasciare inoperosi i contingenti che presidiavano la Sicilia, aveva allestito una
spedizione in Nordafrica per sottomettere Hammamet, Sfax, Susa e Monastir, avvalendosi di un accordo politico e finanziario col re
di Tunisi, Muley Hassan (reinsediato nel 1535). L'operazione ebbe inizio a fine febbraio 1538; tuttavia, per il maltempo, fu possibile
sbarcare solo un esiguo contingente che nel maggio seguente tentò, senza esito, di porre l'assedio a Susa. I timori del G. circa i disagi
delle truppe, mal pagate, si dimostrarono fondati. Nello stesso maggio 1538, infatti, egli dovette affrontare l'ammutinamento del
presidio spagnolo della Goletta, che col pretesto della richiesta degli arretrati era sbarcato sul litorale ionico e depredava i paesi alle
falde dell'Etna. Dopo abili trattative riuscì a ricondurre all'obbedienza il grosso delle truppe e punì i responsabili della sollevazione.
La dura repressione provocò in Spagna risentite reazioni, che però non trovarono ascolto: l'imperatore intendeva servirsi del G. negli
impegni militari programmati nel Mediterraneo. Infatti, conclusa la lega tra Venezia, Paolo III e Carlo V (8 febbr. 1538), egli fu
nominato comandante delle truppe in caso di sbarco a terra e luogotenente del generale Andrea Doria, ricevendo istruzioni di condurre
a Messina le galere della Sicilia, unendole al resto della flotta. A fine luglio del 1538 fece salpare l'armata verso il golfo di Corfù.
Dato che la stagione era molto avanzata, gli stati maggiori imperiali ritenevano che si potesse solo conquistare qualche posizione a
terra, dalla quale lanciare la campagna la successiva primavera. I comandanti delle squadre navali pontificia e veneziana premevano
invece per un'azione immediata. Il G., dovendo attendere l'arrivo di A. Doria, non partecipò a un primo tentativo dell'agosto 1538,
rimasto senza esito, di conquistare Prevesa, all'imbocco del golfo di Arta. Riteneva, peraltro, che fosse troppo rischioso affrontare il
Barbarossa, coperto dalle artiglierie disposte a terra, e che si dovesse attaccarlo solo se fosse uscito allo scoperto. Lo scontro del 27
sett. 1538 (dopo che era giunto A. Doria) avvenne invece proprio nelle condizioni sfavorevoli da lui presagite e la flotta cristiana
eseguì un'affrettata ritirata che originò un clima di sospetti e di accuse (amplificato dalle notizie di nuovi contatti fra gli Imperiali e il
Barbarossa). Lo stesso G. criticò il comportamento di equipaggi e capitani, censurò l'irresolutezza dell'ammiraglio Doria e sollecitò a
tentare nuovamente la battaglia quando le navi ottomane si presentarono davanti all'isola di Paxo. Prese quindi l'iniziativa di assediare
Castelnuovo di Cattaro (Herceg Novi), che conquistò il 27 ott. 1538: non riteneva per questo opportuno impegnarsi in un teatro di
guerra come il golfo di Cattaro, più adatto ai Veneziani e sarebbe stato pronto a cedere loro la piazza. Nelle stesse settimane peraltro
esplorava le possibilità di passare al servizio della Serenissima, essendo insoddisfatto del suo ruolo nell'organizzazione militare
imperiale.
All'inizio del successivo dicembre il G. tornò a Messina. Subito dovette far fronte all'ammutinamento dei reduci della spedizione
contro Castelnuovo, che, non pagati, erano sbarcati sulla spiaggia messinese e vessavano le popolazioni. Egli ne ebbe di nuovo
ragione pagando parte degli arretrati e procedendo risolutamente a esecuzioni dei maggiori responsabili. Nel contempo riprese i
contatti col re di Tunisi per impadronirsi delle città del litorale tunisino ancora fuori controllo. Anzitutto tentò di provvedersi di mezzi
finanziari, non esitando a imporre in Sicilia (gennaio 1539) un dazio straordinario sui cereali. Il quadro politico generale, però,
conclusa la tregua tra Turchi e Veneziani, appariva incerto. Così, dopo che l'imperatore aveva accolto il disegno con freddezza, A.
Doria, comandante supremo sul mare, palesò il suo disaccordo (settembre 1539), vanificando il progetto.
Le proposte del G. trovavano ormai scarso ascolto. Nella stessa estate aveva invano esortato a soccorrere il presidio spagnolo di
Castelnuovo assediata dai Turchi (caduta all'inizio di luglio). Anche nuovi tentativi per concludere l'accordo col Barbarossa, che al G.
pareva vicino, si erano infranti. Così, alla fine dell'ottobre 1539 egli si recò nelle Fiandre per trattare con Carlo V delle possibili
iniziative militari e delle difficili condizioni finanziarie del Regno di Sicilia. Tornato nell'isola nell'aprile 1540, convocò il
Parlamento, dal quale ottenne un donativo di 300.000 fiorini e un aumento delle imposte sulle esportazioni di cereali. Poi A. Doria lo
chiamò all'azione contro le città della costa tunisina. Era un'iniziativa che aveva apertamente sconsigliato: avendo ancora ordini di
"concludere la pratica con Barbarossa" non gli sembrava opportuno assalirlo per "levarli le cose sue" (a Carlo V, Messina, 2 ag. 1540,
in Capasso, 1906, p. 451). Si preparò comunque a combattere: mosse con 51 galere (settembre 1540) e riconquistò Monastir,
Hammamet, Susa, Sfax, sottomettendole al re di Tunisi. Rientrato a Palermo in novembre, tentò di porre rimedio alle drammatiche
condizioni dell'Erario siciliano. Non esitò a ricorrere a composizioni finanziarie di vicende giudiziarie anche gravi, ma non poté
comunque pagare i presidi spagnoli nelle città tunisine conquistate, dei quali ordinò il reimbarco nell'aprile 1541. Fervevano, nel
contempo, i preparativi per la spedizione contro Algeri, personalmente diretta da Carlo V. Alla metà di agosto del 1541 il G. partì per
Maiorca, punto di riunione, a capo di un contingente di 8000 fanti; ebbe di nuovo il comando generale delle truppe da sbarco (circa
24.000 uomini). L'esercito imperiale si presentò a fine ottobre davanti ad Algeri; dopo scontri di lieve entità, un violento attacco
barbaresco contro il campo delle truppe italiane fu respinto a fatica: quindi le proibitive condizioni meteorologiche obbligarono gli
Imperiali a ritirarsi, palesando l'insuccesso completo dell'impresa.
A fine novembre il G. tornò in Sicilia, dove la crisi dell'economia aveva conseguenze esiziali sulle entrate fiscali; egli accrebbe il
numero di uffici pubblici in vendita, ipotizzò aumenti del donativo e un tributo progressivo sulle esportazioni di grano. Poté quindi
dedicarsi a lavori di fortificazione già avviati (a Palermo, Messina, Trapani, Siracusa) e ne programmò altri a Catania e Lentini.
Credeva ancora possibile stringere un patto col Barbarossa; nel luglio 1542 intavolò trattative, giungendo perfino a verificare gli spazi
per una tregua triennale con il sultano: di una proposta in tal senso (approvata da Carlo V e firmata dal G.) diedero successivamente
notizia gli osservatori a Costantinopoli, ma non ne scaturì alcun risultato.
Nella stessa estate del 1542, le ripetute frizioni tra Francesco I e Carlo V lasciavano presagire una nuova guerra con la Francia. Così,
al G. fu ordinato di unire le galere siciliane in azione contro i pirati con il grosso della flotta (a Genova) e di prepararsi a spedire in
Spagna un cospicuo contingente di fanti. Carlo V prevedeva, infatti, che l'attacco dei Francesi e dei loro alleati sarebbe stato sferrato
nei Paesi Bassi e in Navarra (il che avvenne alla fine del luglio 1542), mentre il G. considerava più esposta la penisola. Recatosi a
Palermo a metà del successivo ottobre, ebbe due mesi di licenza all'inizio del 1543 (durante i quali trattò del matrimonio del figlio
Cesare con Diana Cardona). Quindi, alla fine di marzo, presieduto il Parlamento siciliano e ottenuti cospicui finanziamenti, lasciò
l'isola per assumere il comando degli eserciti imperiali. Raggiunto a Genova Carlo V, fu con lui all'incontro di Busseto con Paolo III
(22-25 giugno 1543); allora, come altri consiglieri dell'entourage imperiale, si schierò contro la proposta del pontefice di assegnare
Milano a Margherita d'Austria, sposa di Ottavio Farnese, in cambio d'una forte somma di denaro. Gli sembrava infatti che Carlo V
avrebbe dovuto continuare a difendere il Ducato, mentre investendone i Farnese non ne avrebbe mantenuto stabilmente il controllo.
L'offerta del papa fu lasciata cadere, ma l'aperta presa di posizione del G. gli attirò l'ostilità della famiglia di Paolo III. Alla ripresa
della guerra Oltralpe egli prese servizio come luogotenente generale dell'esercito. La campagna era condotta contro Guglielmo III di
Kleve-Jülich, alleato di Francesco I, che reclamava il possesso per diritto ereditario della Gheldria e aveva sconvolto i Paesi Bassi con
una veloce campagna militare, guidata da M. van Rossem. Il G. pose un duro assedio a Düren, presso Liegi, conquistandola
nell'agosto 1543; il feroce saccheggio che seguì consigliò di pattuire la resa ai difensori di Jülich e delle città della Gheldria fedeli al
duca Guglielmo. Quest'ultimo, allora, all'inizio di settembre chiese e ottenne il perdono di Carlo V.
Teatro delle azioni successive furono l'Hainaut e il Lussemburgo, caduti nelle mani dei Francesi nella stessa estate 1543. Il G. tentò di
conquistare Guise, entrando in contatto con le truppe nemiche; quindi, congiunse le sue forze con quelle che assediavano Landrecy.
La piazza appariva molto ben difesa e, a fine ottobre, mosse in suo soccorso un potente esercito guidato dallo stesso Francesco I. La
stagione avanzata sconsigliava uno scontro di grandi proporzioni, cui non avrebbe potuto partecipare Enrico VIII, alleato
dell'imperatore. Così, per decidere le strategie future e concordare gli apprestamenti necessari, il G. fu inviato in Inghilterra, insieme
con G.B. Castaldo. Le istruzioni dategli all'inizio del dicembre 1543 insistevano sulla necessità anzitutto politica di neutralizzare
l'espansionismo di Francesco I sfidandolo con un'azione militare decisa, guidata personalmente dai due sovrani e diretta al cuore del
territorio francese, fino a Parigi. La missione, rapida, ebbe esito positivo: fu stabilito che Carlo V ed Enrico VIII sarebbero entrati in
Francia al più tardi alla fine di luglio, con 20 o 25.000 fanti e 5000 cavalieri. Il primo avrebbe marciato attraverso la Champagne, il
secondo attraverso la Piccardia.
Le operazioni iniziarono nel maggio 1544. Al G., col grado di luogotenente generale, fu dato il comando delle truppe concentrate in
Cambrai, con l'ordine di riconquistare Lussemburgo e di muovere dentro il territorio francese devastando le campagne, in attesa che
Carlo V completasse i preparativi e si ponesse a capo dell'esercito. Fu una campagna brillante: nel giugno 1544, dopo Lussemburgo, il
G. conquistò Ligny e Commercy; quindi, posto l'assedio a Saint-Dizier, cedette il comando del campo all'imperatore e - espugnata
questa piazza - lo accompagnò mentre tentava l'avanzata verso Parigi, dapprima lungo la Marna poi (all'inizio di settembre) puntando
a Nord verso Soissons. Il G. si distinse in questa occasione nelle conquiste di Château-Thierry ed Épernay. Nondimeno, la stanchezza
degli eserciti, la difficoltà degli stati maggiori imperiali di garantire approvvigionamenti alle truppe, lo spavento delle masse nella
capitale francese favorirono la ripresa delle trattative di pace, delle quali il G. fu protagonista.
Già alla fine del luglio 1544 i Francesi avevano intavolato negoziati con N. Perrenot de Granvelle, al quale, insieme con il G., Carlo V
concesse poco dopo poteri di plenipotenziari. Tra la fine di agosto e l'inizio di settembre 1544 entrambi, con il vescovo di Arras (figlio
del Granvelle) e il segretario A. de Idíaquez, incontrarono a Saint-Amand, presso Châlons, la delegazione francese guidata
dall'ammiraglio C. d'Annebault. Le trattative erano ostacolate dalle onerose condizioni poste dai Francesi: solo dopo la conquista di
Boulogne da parte degli Inglesi (sbarcati alla fine di giugno) se ne affrettò la conclusione. Il trattato di Crépy, firmato da Granvelle e
dal G. il 18 sett. 1544, ristabilì lo status quo ante, cancellando le modifiche territoriali seguite alla pace di Nizza del 1538; Francesco I
rinunciò definitivamente al Regno di Napoli, alle Fiandre, all'Artois e s'impegnò a partecipare a un'impresa contro il Turco. Asburgo e
Valois stringevano, altresì, un legame matrimoniale: il duca Charles d'Orléans, figlio di Francesco I, avrebbe preso in moglie la figlia
maggiore di Carlo V (con in dote i Paesi Bassi e la Franca Contea), oppure la seconda figlia del re dei Romani (Ferdinando), cui
sarebbe stata assegnata Milano. L'alternativa doveva essere sciolta entro pochi mesi. Il G. si espresse apertamente per la cessione delle
Fiandre: mentre lo Stato di Milano gli sembrava indispensabile per mantenere il controllo della penisola, giudicava impossibile
consolidare il dominio dei Paesi Bassi, privi peraltro di eguale importanza strategica. Egli rimase però isolato: lo Stato di Milano fu
ceduto e solo la repentina morte dell'Orléans (1545) vanificò il trattato.
Tornato in Sicilia, il G. presiedette nel marzo 1546 le sessioni del Parlamento, in uno dei suoi ultimi atti come viceré: nel maggio
1546, infatti, lasciò l'isola essendo stato nominato governatore di Milano. Le sue ambizioni a riguardo erano note: dopo che, nel 1536,
aveva addirittura esplorato le possibilità di divenirne duca, nel maggio 1542 aveva inviato un suo uomo presso Carlo V per avvertirlo
che negargli quell'incarico sarebbe stato "far[gli] un frego in faccia per quanto durasse la vita [sua]" (Memoriale et instruttione
secreta… circa le vacantie che accascheranno…, in Capasso, 1905, p. 461). Così, nel 1543 era stato candidato a sostituire Alfonso
d'Avalos, marchese del Vasto, responsabile dei rovesci militari in Piemonte, ed era stato effettivamente nominato nell'aprile 1546.
Il 19 giugno il G. fece il suo ingresso a Milano. Subito impostò un'energica azione di governo, impegnandosi nella politica fiscale.
Introdusse un'imposta straordinaria (un "servizio" di 220.000 scudi) e insistette affinché fosse reintrodotto e accresciuto il "mensuale"
(tassa abrogata nel 1545). Come in Sicilia, però, non riuscì a finanziare stabilmente l'Erario: per pagare le truppe prese più volte
somme in prestito a Genova e impose prelievi forzosi al ceto dei notabili, mettendo in vendita censi e redditi della Camera milanese.
Si distinse, nondimeno, per iniziative prestigiose, soprattutto urbanistiche: a Milano commissionò l'ampliamento e il restauro del
palazzo ducale, avviò la risistemazione dell'area monumentale del duomo, dotò la città di un ampio circuito di mura bastionate.
Cospicui lavori interessarono anche le strutture difensive di Cremona, Alessandria, Novara, Lodi, Pavia sotto la sovrintendenza
dell'ingegnere G.M. Olgiati, mentre l'architetto personale del G., D. Giunti, progettò la risistemazione della Gualtiera, villa suburbana
acquistata nel 1547 (l'attuale villa Simonetta).
Il G. condusse altresì una politica estera di respiro molto ampio. Progettò di conquistare Bellinzona e di porre Chiavenna e la
Valtellina sotto il controllo imperiale, prospettando a Carlo V, a partire dal 1547, diverse ipotesi a riguardo. Verificò quindi le
possibilità di sottrarre a Venezia le più prossime città della Terraferma (Brescia, Crema, Bergamo): solo un espresso intervento
dell'imperatore lo obbligò alla massima prudenza nei rapporti con la Serenissima. Egli comunque non si limitò a immaginare azioni
sulle tradizionali linee di espansione dello Stato di Milano; proponendosi, più in generale, la tutela degli interessi asburgici nell'Italia
settentrionale, raccomandò all'imperatore di rafforzare il dominio su Genova e (contro Andrea Doria) sostenne la necessità di
costruirvi una fortezza in cui insediare un presidio militare permanente; quindi si ingerì nel confuso stato della Repubblica dopo la
congiura dei Fieschi (gennaio 1547), da lui presagita, impadronendosi di gran parte dei domini della famiglia ribelle e occupando
Pontremoli e la Val di Taro. Infine affrontò con decisione la questione del marchesato di Massa e Carrara, preteso da Giulio Cibo
Malaspina, che aveva occupato le due città nell'ottobre 1546. Il G. dapprima sequestrò lo Stato conteso in attesa che si pronunciasse
Carlo V; poi, quando si scoprì che il Cibo preparava, con l'aiuto francese, un colpo di Stato a Genova, lo fece arrestare a Pontremoli
(gennaio 1548), lo tradusse a Milano e lo condannò a morte.
Ancora più pesante e determinato parve l'intervento nella questione di Piacenza e di Parma, sfuggite nel 1512 al dominio degli Sforza
ed entrate nello Stato della Chiesa. L'eventualità che le due città potessero cadere sotto influenza francese teneva in scacco la
sicurezza del Milanese. Per questo, negli anni Trenta del Cinquecento, tanto Francesco II Sforza quanto gli stati maggiori imperiali
avevano sentito l'esigenza di recuperarne il dominio. Per gli stessi motivi, quando nell'agosto 1545 Paolo III aveva costituito Piacenza
e Parma in Ducati e le aveva infeudate al figlio Pier Luigi Farnese, Carlo V aveva disapprovato la spregiudicata mossa dando al G.,
dopo il suo insediamento al governo di Milano, disposizioni di preparare un colpo di mano da effettuare dopo la morte di Paolo III. Il
G. fu esecutore sollecito, anche perché sul piano personale avversava il Farnese. Condivideva, infatti, sulla rapida fortuna dei Farnese,
il severo giudizio dei casati regnanti italiani e aveva mal tollerato resistenze e opposizioni del duca alle sue ambizioni di acquistare un
feudo nel Parmigiano (Poviglio prima, poi Soragna). L'ostilità del G. era però anche nutrita da fatti politici: era già stata deplorata
l'assistenza del Farnese ai movimenti delle truppe francesi nella campagna del 1544, e allarme ancora maggiore destarono, nel 1547,
le voci d'un suo accordo con il re di Francia e del coinvolgimento nella congiura dei Fieschi a Genova. Inoltre, Pier Luigi perseguiva
una politica di compressione della nobiltà feudale che aveva colpito anche alcuni sudditi milanesi. In questo clima, si erano verificati
persino incidenti di confine tra Piacenza e Cremona. Il G. riteneva dunque indispensabile affrettare i tempi per liberarsi del duca di
Piacenza e verificò presso l'imperatore l'opportunità di agire "vivente il papa […] con dar nome dapoi che fosse fatto […] senza
ordine" (a Carlo V del 1° febbr. 1547, in Capasso, 1923-24, II, p. 599 n. 2). Gli sembrava che Farnese, prevedendo il delicato
momento alla morte del padre, si sarebbe allora difeso più efficacemente, mentre al presente appariva ancora piuttosto tranquillo.
Ottenuto l'assenso di Carlo V per un'iniziativa (alla condizione che il Farnese non fosse ucciso), nell'aprile 1547 avviò contatti con
nobili piacentini affinché ordissero una congiura contro il duca.
Si ebbero, nel contempo, le prime manifestazioni di ostilità: dopo concentramenti di truppe da entrambe le parti, il Farnese, alla fine di
maggio 1547, fece iniziare i lavori per una nuova fortezza a Piacenza. Quindi, nella tarda estate successiva, maturò la congiura: attesa
la partenza da Piacenza di Ottavio Farnese, genero dell'imperatore, il 10 sett. 1547 i congiurati (G. Anguissola, A. Landi e G.L.
Confalonieri) uccisero il duca. Ne scaturì un tumulto, in un primo momento favorevole ai Farnese. Poi il piano procedette secondo
quanto concordato con il G.: il Consiglio generale piacentino, paventando un'invasione francese, gli inviò messi per trattare delle sorti
della città, dove entrarono truppe imperiali; il G. stesso giunse a Piacenza il 12 sett. 1547 e subito concluse patti con i rappresentanti
locali, perché accettassero la sovranità imperiale. Il piano non ebbe però piena riuscita: era stato occupato solo il territorio fino al Taro
(meno Roccabianca e Fontanellato) e O. Farnese era riuscito a entrare in Parma già il 16 settembre. Efficaci, invece, le risposte
previste dal G. alla reazione della diplomazia pontificia: quando il nunzio presso Carlo V, F. Sfondrato, chiese conto dell'occupazione
di Piacenza, gli fu mostrata una sua lettera all'imperatore datata 10 sett. 1547, in cui definiva l'evento "impensato et inaspettato"
(Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, p. 113 n. 3). Il G. non riuscì, però, con questi mezzi ad allontanare i sospetti: a Roma si seppe
presto che egli aveva fatto preparativi militari il giorno prima dell'uccisione del duca di Piacenza e fu denunciata la sua avanzata nel
Parmigiano, condotta "con ogni modo di guerra scoperta in pigliar et dimandare altri castelli" (il card. A. Farnese al card. F.
Sfondrato, Roma, 13 ott. 1547: ibid., p. 143). Il G. si mostrò vieppiù deciso: già nel novembre 1547 trasmise alla corte imperiale un
progetto per iniziare la guerra contro la Francia e lo Stato della Chiesa, quindi prese contatti anche in Parma con i nobili della fazione
"ghibellina", preparandosi a recuperare la città alla morte di Paolo III. Parma però, soprattutto dopo l'arrivo del generale Camillo
Orsini (febbraio 1548), appariva sotto il saldo controllo del pontefice.
In questo contesto, il G. elaborò piani per consolidare il dominio imperiale sull'Italia. In particolare, riteneva opportuno rinnovare
l'alternativa sui Paesi Bassi, cedendoli ai Savoia (per mezzo di nozze tra Maria d'Asburgo e il principe Emanuele Filiberto); in cambio
Carlo V avrebbe subito preso in consegna le fortezze del Piemonte e l'intero Stato dopo la morte di Emanuele Filiberto. Se poi
l'imperatore, assicuratosi di Genova, si fosse impadronito anche di Siena, Lucca e Piombino, sarebbe giunto a controllare il Ducato
fiorentino e lo Stato della Chiesa. Si trattava di un disegno coerente, che tendeva a imporre all'eterogeneo sistema dei domini
imperiali, legati solo nella persona del sovrano, una nuova fisionomia. Il G. premeva, infatti, affinché Carlo V, pacificata in qualche
modo la Germania e abbandonati i teatri di conflitto europei, eleggesse la "Monarquía" spagnola a centro dei propri interessi politici,
puntando alla formazione di un vasto Stato, padrone (una volta radicato e ampliato il dominio sul nord Africa) di tutto il Mediterraneo
occidentale. Tuttavia nei Consigli imperiali simili disegni non potevano trovare consenso. Concordava solo il duca d'Alba (F. Álvarez
de Toledo), che rammentò le proposte del G. di abbandonare i Paesi Bassi durante la prima fase della rivolta fiamminga. Il Granvelle,
invece, invitò esplicitamente il G. a non insistere su questa ipotesi. L'isolamento del G. in questioni più ampie limitò la sua azione
all'Italia. Per risolvere definitivamente la questione dei Ducati di Parma e Piacenza, nell'aprile 1547 e nel novembre 1549 propose di
offrire ai Farnese uno scambio con Siena ed elaborò piani per impadronirsi dei Cantoni svizzeri confinanti con lo Stato di Milano, non
esitando (nel 1550) a premere su P.P. Vergerio, passato Oltralpe, perché favorisse il disegno.
Dovette però concentrarsi su problemi di governo: l'Erario milanese era in condizioni assai difficili per le enormi spese della
spedizione di Piacenza, del mantenimento d'un presidio nella città emiliana e del rafforzamento delle difese ai confini. All'inizio del
1550, per un forte decremento delle entrate ordinarie, il G. poté far fronte al fabbisogno solo con prestiti garantiti dalle entrate
tributarie future; nel 1551 il debito toccò la cifra esorbitante di 750.000 scudi. In questo dissesto finanziario emersero nuovi impegni
militari, perché la questione di Parma dominava ancora lo scenario italiano. Giulio III, succeduto a Paolo III, aveva confermato uno
degli ultimi atti di papa Farnese, la restituzione della città a Ottavio Farnese, che pareva incline a porsi sotto la protezione del re di
Francia. Papa Del Monte avversava con decisione tale esito ma, non intendendo riaccendere un conflitto in Italia al momento della
riapertura del concilio di Trento, premeva sul Farnese alternando misure rigide a proposte di accordo. Il G., invece, riteneva
necessario un intervento militare, poiché il Ducato emiliano costituiva una minaccia per lo Stato di Milano e per gli altri domini
asburgici in Italia: così, già nell'aprile 1551, sollecitò l'imperatore e il papa a stringere la città d'assedio, devastandone i dintorni e
impedendone il vettovagliamento. La proposta non fu accolta: Giulio III non si risolveva alla guerra e Carlo V intendeva procedere
solo in aiuto alle armi pontificie, per non violare la pace di Crépy. In questo quadro, il G. prese l'iniziativa di impadronirsi di
Brescello, feudo imperiale in territorio estense, per controllare gli accessi dal Po a Parma. Da parte francese, poiché quel centro era
tenuto dal card. Ippolito d'Este, schierato con i Valois, la mossa fu considerata una rottura della pace e il clima si deteriorò
rapidamente: a fine maggio 1551 O. Farnese, che aveva stretto una formale alleanza con Enrico II e accettato aiuti militari francesi,
venne dichiarato decaduto dal feudo; il pontefice, allora, senza abbandonare le vie di accordo, affrettò i preparativi militari e, all'inizio
del giugno 1551, nominato il G. capitano generale di Santa Chiesa, diede inizio alla guerra ordinando di muovere contro Castro (feudo
farnesiano nel Lazio) e Parma.
Il G. passò il Taro e, occupato il castello di Noceto, il 17 giugno 1551 si unì all'esercito pontificio comandato da G.B. Del Monte,
nipote del papa. Devastate le campagne intorno a Parma assediò Colorno, che riuscì a prendere agli inizi di luglio, ma le scorrerie nel
Bolognese di un grosso contingente al comando di P. Strozzi lo distolsero dall'obiettivo più ambizioso, l'assedio di Mirandola, dove si
concentravano i rinforzi francesi. Il pontefice, sostenuto finanziariamente solo in parte da Carlo V e timoroso delle conseguenze della
rottura delle relazioni diplomatiche con la Francia, volle presto disimpegnarsi dal conflitto e la campagna dell'estate del 1551 rimase
infruttuosa. Affidato l'assedio di Mirandola a G.B. Del Monte, il G. continuò la sistematica distruzione dei raccolti intorno a Parma,
intenzionato a rimandare all'anno seguente le azioni decisive. L'irruzione dei Francesi in Piemonte, all'inizio del settembre 1551, lo
obbligò ad accorrere su quel teatro: affidato l'assedio di Parma a G.G. Medici, marchese di Marignano, partì per Asti con un
contingente di fanti tedeschi.
Ch. de Cossé, signore di Brissac, aveva conquistato Chieri e San Damiano; le sue truppe scorrevano l'Astigiano e il Monferrato, ma il
G. riteneva che il suo vero obiettivo fosse soccorrere il Farnese assediato in Parma. Così egli propose il mero contenimento
dell'avanzata nemica e, riconquistata Chiusano, si limitò a far presidiare le vie d'accesso all'Emilia attraverso l'Adda e il Ticino.
Accampatosi tra Casale e Vercelli, non mostrò intenzione di accettare uno scontro campale con truppe inferiori di numero, esauste e
pagate in modo solo sporadico. Il G. temeva, altresì, che Giulio III fosse vicino all'accordo con i Francesi e stimolava l'imperatore a
concentrare le forze contro Parma. Tuttavia lasciò cadere l'ordine di Carlo V (fine ottobre del 1551) di tornare sul teatro di guerra
emiliano, convinto che fosse prioritario bloccare l'avanzata francese. La tregua fra Giulio III e Ottavio Farnese, conclusa nell'aprile
1552 dopo la morte sul campo di G.B. Del Monte, e la nuova, risoluta offensiva in Germania dei principi ribelli a Carlo V, mutarono
gli scenari. Subito il G. si disse pronto a guidare l'assedio di Mirandola, assoldando per l'imperatore le truppe pontificie. Queste,
invece, lasciati i posti prima dell'arrivo degli Imperiali, permisero l'approvvigionamento della fortezza e passarono anzi, in gran
numero, con i Francesi. Così, richiesto da Carlo V di un parere, il G., conoscendo gli impegni militari dell'imperatore, consigliò di
aderire alla tregua per concentrare gli sforzi in Piemonte. Tuttavia Carlo V, che combatteva contro Enrico II nelle Fiandre e in Lorena
e, in Germania, contro Maurizio di Sassonia e i principi tedeschi ribelli, non poteva raccogliere la richiesta del G. di privilegiare il
teatro italiano: così l'imperatore (ormai favorevole alla pace) non solo ratificò la tregua promossa da Giulio III (10 maggio 1552) ma
richiamò le truppe impegnate sotto Parma, ordinando al G. di tenersi sulla difensiva in Piemonte.
Questi, invece, con le sole sue forze, aveva intrapreso una decisa avanzata, occupando parte del territorio del marchesato di Saluzzo,
dal 1549 annesso al Regno di Francia. Si fermò solo dopo aver constatato di non avere truppe sufficienti per riprendere Savigliano,
centro strategico per il controllo del Piemonte meridionale, o per impedire i movimenti dei Francesi, che a metà giugno si
impadronirono di Verrua. Nuovamente esortato a porsi sulla difensiva, per salvaguardare la linea di comunicazioni tra la Penisola e i
domini imperiali Oltralpe, il G. si ritirò ad Asti, disponendo presidi nei centri più importanti; quindi, malato, rientrò in Milano.
Tentò di nuovo, senza esito, di convincere l'imperatore della priorità del teatro di guerra italiano, consigliandolo (luglio 1552) di
accordarsi con i principi tedeschi ribelli per concentrarsi contro Enrico II. Quando poi, nella tarda estate, i Francesi ripresero
l'iniziativa (conquistando Busca, entrando nel marchesato di Saluzzo e assediando Volpiano), il G., alle prese con gravi disordini
nell'esercito, non poté impedire la caduta di Ceva. Subito concentrò gli sforzi per riacquistare questo centro, che apriva la strada verso
Genova e Milano, e ne ebbe ragione alla fine dell'ottobre 1552. Nello stesso autunno conseguì nuovi successi a difesa di Ivrea,
Volpiano e Asti, ma una rapida azione francese contro Alba lo colse impreparato, mentre il sopraggiungere d'un inverno
particolarmente rigido lo costrinse ad acquartierarsi.
Nella prima metà del 1553 il teatro di operazione furono le Langhe: caduta di nuovo Ceva (con Cortemilia), si trovavano esposte la
Riviera ligure e la stessa Cuneo, ma il G. constatò di non avere forze, approvvigionamenti, mezzi finanziari per tentare un'offensiva.
Così, dopo reiterate richieste di sussidi indirizzate alla corte imperiale - che non potevano trovare ascolto, essendo l'imperatore
massicciamente impegnato -, percorse vie per giungere a una tregua. Dei negoziati erano stati avviati nell'agosto 1553 per lo scambio
di prigionieri; tuttavia solo dopo che i due eserciti si erano trovati vicini alla battaglia campale (presso Buttigliera d'Asti) il G. parve
impegnarsi più a fondo. Accettata una breve sospensione, incontrò (tra agosto e settembre 1553) il generale francese Brissac,
dichiarandosi disponibile alla pace nel caso gli fossero restituite le conquiste del 1552-53. L'eventualità non soddisfaceva l'imperatore,
perché la chiusura del fronte italiano avrebbe rafforzato i Francesi sugli altri teatri di guerra. Così, a metà settembre 1553, Carlo V
sconfessò la sospensione, concedendo solo facoltà di prolungarla. Il G. tentò di difendere la propria decisione ma, dopo una proroga,
riprese la guerra: all'inizio del novembre 1553 occupò Valfenera, presso Villanova d'Asti, ma i Francesi riuscirono a compiere una
scorreria in Vercelli. L'occupazione della città durò solo pochi giorni, ma esacerbò i malumori nella corte imperiale.
Sopraggiunsero accuse al G. di malgoverno del Milanese. Carlo V si era disposto a ordinare un'ispezione sin dal 1552, dopo che una
prima, sommaria inchiesta aveva rivelato episodi di corruzione e malversazioni. Il G. si era difeso inviando un proprio emissario, il
cap. F. Gazino, a corte nel gennaio 1553, ma non aveva potuto impedire che nell'autunno successivo J. de Luna, castellano di Milano,
G.F. Taverna, gran cancelliere, e F. de Ibarra, tesoriere dell'esercito, presentassero esposti contro il suo operato. Così, a fine gennaio
1554, col pretesto di trattare della guerra di Fiandra, il G. fu chiamato alla corte, dove giunse il 17 aprile. Tra i numerosi capi d'accusa,
furono provati casi di corruzione nell'assegnazione di magistrature e uffici amministrativi dello Stato milanese, frequenti
malversazioni, tangenti imposte al commercio col Piemonte e la Francia. Non si trattava di delitti in grado di intaccare autorevolezza e
prestigio del G., che di continuo era ricorso a denaro proprio per far fronte alle spese di guerra, vantando così circa 70.000 scudi di
credito nei confronti dell'Erario. Il rovescio delle sue fortune era di colore eminentemente politico: oltre agli insuccessi della guerra
con i Francesi in Piemonte e alla tregua dell'agosto 1553, egli scontava l'avversione di Emanuele Filiberto, duca di Savoia, giovane
comandante militare in vista nella corte imperiale, e l'inclinazione del principe Filippo d'Austria - investito del Ducato di Milano e
della reggenza di Spagna - a insediare al governo dei domini italiani il fedele duca d'Alba, suo oppositore personale.
Il G. si concentrò nella difesa del suo operato come generale; avvalendosi di una memoria stesa da un suo segretario, G. Gosellini
(Compendio storico della guerra di Parma e del Piemonte. 1548-1553), ribadì di aver sostenuto le ultime campagne senza
finanziamenti adeguati, scontando il minore interesse dell'imperatore per il teatro di guerra italiano. Proprio l'esito sfavorevole della
campagna militare nelle Fiandre dell'estate 1554 provocò, a fine luglio, il suo rientro in servizio attivo, ma solo con limitati incarichi
di comando, mentre la guida dell'esercito imperiale rimaneva nelle mani di Emanuele Filiberto. Terminate le operazioni militari per
spossatezza dei contendenti, il G. cercò di ottenere l'appoggio del principe Filippo, sposato alla regina d'Inghilterra Maria Tudor, alla
propria causa e, nell'ottobre 1554, inviò propri emissari in Inghilterra. Incontrò egli stesso Filippo, poco più tardi, ma senza risultati.
Nel gennaio 1555 il duca d'Alba fu deputato a capo di tutti i governi d'Italia, compreso il Ducato di Milano. Caduto ammalato, il G. si
dispose a tornare in Italia senza alcun incarico.
L'imperatore, tuttavia, non era intenzionato a interrompere bruscamente un rapporto di servizio che durava da tre decenni, soprattutto
per il rischio che il G. o suo fratello, il cardinale Ercole (impegnati dal 1540 nella reggenza dello Stato mantovano), passassero nella
rete di alleanze francesi. Sentenziò quindi l'innocenza del G., gli promise adeguate riparazioni finanziarie e gli fece altresì offrire il
titolo di maggiordomo del figlio Filippo o di presidente di uno dei più importanti consigli imperiali (il Consiglio di guerra o quello di
Stato). Il G. tuttavia non accettò: preso congedo dall'imperatore all'inizio dell'aprile 1555, tornò in Italia, prendendo dimora in
Mantova e non in Guastalla, che aveva acquistato dagli eredi di casa Torelli nel giugno 1539 e che, dichiarata alle dirette dipendenze
di Carlo V, gli era stata infeudata il 6 sett. 1541. Rifiutata, nel 1556, una proposta di passare al servizio dei Veneziani, rientrò al
servizio degli Asburgo nel 1557, nella guerra mossa da Paolo IV a Filippo II, operando a Napoli come consigliere militare. Fu poi
nelle Fiandre, partecipando alla preparazione della campagna culminata con la battaglia di San Quintino (10 ag. 1557). Ammalatosi,
tornò a Bruxelles, dove morì il 16 nov. 1557. Fu sepolto a Mantova, nella sacrestia del duomo.
Dei figli, Cesare gli succedette nel titolo di Guastalla, mentre Francesco e Giovanni Vincenzo furono avviati alla carriera
ecclesiastica, giungendo entrambi al cardinalato (nel 1561 e nel 1578); la primogenita Isabella, sposa a Fabrizio Colonna, mostrò
spiccati interessi culturali. Questi non furono altrettanto solidi nel G., il cui ruolo di committente fu per lo più legato a compiti di
rappresentanza. Quanto alle arti figurative, ebbe contatti con Tiziano, conosciuto in gioventù (è stata proposta una sua identificazione
nel Ritratto di giovane con il guanto e nel Ritratto di giovane in armatura) e nel 1534 gli richiese "due quadri da camera di pittura […]
quali vorria mandar a donare in Spagna" (Brown - Delmarcel, p. 56). Ancora come dono a F. de los Cobos, segretario di Carlo V, il G.
commissionò a Sebastiano dal Piombo una Pietà. Appariva, d'altro canto, inclinato alle arazzerie di Bruxelles tratte da cartoni italiani
o fiamminghi: possedeva la prima edizione (perduta) dei Fructus belli, da disegni di Giulio Romano o della sua scuola, i Giochi di
putti (ora nella raccolta Marzotto a Trissino), le Storie di Mosè (ora a Châteaudun), una serie (di 14 soggetti) con le Storie di Enea.
Interessato alla numismatica, tenne rapporti con lo scultore e medaglista L. Leoni.
Le speranze suscitate fra i letterati dalla sua nomina a governatore di Milano furono appagate solo in parte. Ebbe i maggiori contatti
con L. Contile e P. Giovio, che consultò anche per i progetti di risistemazione della Gualtiera, ma non corrispose alle attese di chi gli
aveva indirizzato componimenti (come, fra gli altri, P. Aretino e G.G. Trissino). Mostrò piuttosto gusto per le arti teatrali e la musica,
prendendo ai suoi stipendi R. de Lassus (Orlando di Lasso) e chiamando a Milano il madrigalista Hoste da Reggio.
Fonti e Bibl.: M. Sanuto, I diarii, Venezia 1879-1903, XL, XLII-XLVI, XLVIII-LVIII, ad indices; G. Gosellini, Congiura di Piacenza
contro Pier Luigi Farnese, Firenze 1864; Id., Compendio storico della guerra di Parma e del Piemonte. 1548-1553, a cura di A. Ceruti,
in Miscellanea di storia italiana, s. 2, XVII (1878), pp. 103-357; Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland, s. 1, X, Legation des Kardinals
Sfondrato, 1547-48, a cura di W. Friedensburg, Berlin 1907, ad ind.; Registri di lettere di Ferrante Gonzaga, viceré di Sicilia, a cura di
E. Costa, Parma 1889; Relazione delle cose di Sicilia fatta da don Ferrante Gonzaga all'imperatore Carlo V (1546), a cura di F.C.
Carreri, Palermo 1896; Relazione di don Ferrante Gonzaga governatore di Milano inviata all'imperatore Carlo V nel 1552 in difesa
della progettata cinta dei bastioni, a cura di L. Beltrami, Milano 1897; P. Giovio, Lettere, a cura di G.G. Ferrero, I-II, Roma 1958, ad
ind.; F. Guicciardini, Storia d'Italia, a cura di S. Seidel Menchi, Torino 1971, ad ind.; A. Ulloa, Vita del valorosissimo e gran capitano
don F. G., Venetia 1563; G. Gosellini, Vita del prencipe don F. G., Milano 1574; I. Affò, Istoria della città e del Ducato di Guastalla,
I-IV, Guastalla 1785-97, passim; F. Capasso, Don F. G. all'impresa di Puglia del 1529, in Riv. stor. italiana, XII (1895), pp. 419-449;
A. Segre, Un episodio della lotta tra Francia e Spagna a mezzo il Cinquecento. Carlo duca di Savoia e le sue discordie con F. G., in
Arch. stor. lombardo, s. 3, XIII (1900), pp. 357-384; Id., Il richiamo di don F. G. dal governo di Milano e sue conseguenze (15531555), in Memorie della R. Accademia delle scienze di Torino, s. 2, LIV (1904), pp. 185-257; G. Capasso, Il governo di F. G. in
Sicilia dal 1535 al 1543, in Arch. stor. siciliano, XXX (1905), pp. 405-470; XXXI (1906), pp. 1-112, 337-461; Id., Paolo III, I-II,
Messina 1923-24, passim; Id., Barbarossa e Carlo V, in Riv. stor. italiana, s. 4, II (1932), pp. 181-186, 192 s., 195, 197, 201-207, 307,
310, 312-314, 322-332; F. Chabod, Storia di Milano nell'epoca di Carlo V, Torino 1961, ad ind.; Id., Usi e abusi nello Stato di Milano
a mezzo il '500, in Istituzioni e società nella storia d'Italia, a cura di E. Fasano Guarini, III, Potere e società negli Stati regionali
italiani fra '500 e '600, Bologna 1978, pp. 99-131; F. Chabod, Carlo V e il suo Impero, Torino 1985, ad ind.; Il tempo dei Gonzaga,
Guastalla 1985, ad ind.; Grandi artisti in una piccola corte dei Gonzaga, Guastalla 1990, ad ind.; R. Tamalio, F. G. alla corte spagnola
di Carlo V nel carteggio privato con Mantova, 1523-1526. La formazione da cortegiano di un generale dell'Impero, Mantova 1991; N.
Forti Grazzini, Un contesto per l'arazzo con "Enea davanti a Didone" delle Civiche raccolte d'arte applicata, in Rassegna di studi e
notizie, 1993, n. 17, pp. 99-146; C. Mozzarelli, Patrizi e governatori nello Stato di Milano a mezzo il Cinquecento. Il caso di F. G., in
Cheiron, IX (1992), pp. 119-134; M.J. Rodríguez Salgado, Metamorfosi di un Impero. La politica asburgica da Carlo V a Filippo II
(1551-1559), Milano 1994, ad ind.; C.M. Brown - G. Delmarcel - A.M. Lorenzoni, Tapestries for the courts of Federico II, Ercole,
and F. G., Seattle-London 1996; La corte di Mantova nell'età di Andrea Mantegna, 1450-1550. Atti del Convegno, a cura di C.
Mozzarelli - R. Oresko - L. Ventura, Roma 1997, ad ind.; R. Tamalio, La memoria dei Gonzaga, repertorio bibliografico
gonzaghesco, 1473-1999, Firenze 1999, ad indicem.
Ricostruito il volto di Ferrante Gonzaga
http://gazzettadimodena.gelocal.it/provincia/2008/02/17/news/ricostruito-il-volto-di-ferrante-gonzaga-1424377
GUASTALLA. Palazzo dell’Accademia Nazionale Virgiliana, a Mantova. Sala Ovale con il pubblico numericamente delle grandi
occasioni: alle 19.15 il presidente Giorgio Bernardi Perini ha tolto i teli che lo avevano tenuto nascosto fino a quel momento e
Ferrante Gonzaga è apparso, dal collo in su, come lo ha potuto ricostruire Gabriele Mallegni. Adesso può rappresentare la base, il
termine di confronto con i ritratti pittorici o con il “Frantón”, la statua di Leone Leoni che si trova in piazza, a Guastalla, dove il figlio
di Isabella d’Este e Francesco II Gonzaga fu principe.Il volto di Ferrante, infatti, è stato ricostruito sulla base delle analisi scientifiche
eseguite sulle sue spoglie mortali. A esporre i risultati della ricerca, svolta in occasione del V centenario della nascita (1507-2007),
dopo l’introduzione di Giorgio Bernardi Perini, sono stati lo storico dell’arte Paolo Bertelli, coordinatore dell’o perazione (Università
di Verona), monisgnor Giancarlo Manzoli (delegato vescovile per i Beni Culturali della Diocesi di Mantova), Francesco Mallegni,
paleoantropologo dell’Universià di Pisa e Loredana Olivato, Ordinaria di Storia dell’Arte dell’Università di Verona. Hanno
partecipato anche le paleoantropologhe Barbara Lippi ed Elena Bedini, la storica dell’arte Paola Artoni (Università di Verona).
Fiorello Tagliavini, responsabile dell’ufficio Cultura del Comune di Guastalla, ha spiegato al pubblico il significato dell’i niziativa per
la nostra città, ricordando un anno di celebrazioni appena concluse nel segno dei Gonzaga.Dopo la presentazione, è stato svelato il
volto di Ferrante, realizzato dallo scultore Gabriele Mallegni sulla base dei dati antropometrici forniti dalla tac eseguita all’ospedale di
Mantova.Riaperta dopo 450 anni la tomba di Ferrante Gonzaga (1507-1557) primo cavaliere italiano che ottenne il Toson d’Oro
dall’imperatore Carlo V, la ricognizione ha riservato sorprese e curiosità. Il metodo di conservazione e trasporto del corpo sono
risultati singolari: il corpo era avvolto in un telo di lino e la cassa toracica era piena di rosmarino. Ma l’analisi dei resti ha fornito una
quantità di dati importantissimi per la comprensione dello stile di vita e degli accadimenti che hanno caratterizzato l’e sistenza di
Ferrante.
17 febbraio 2008
Baglioni, Rodolfo
1518-1554
BAGLIONI, Rodolfo. - Nacque a Perugia il 1°luglio 1518 da Malatesta e da Monaldesca Monaldeschi di nobile famiglia orvietana.
Nel 1529, allorché Malatesta entrò al servizio della Repubblica di Firenze in lotta contro le forze congiunte imperiali e papali, al B.,
appena undicenne, fu affidato il comando di cinquanta cavalieri con una provvigione di 250 fiorini- Alla morte del padre (1531), il B.
si ritirò nel feudo di Bettona, avendolo Clemente VII bandito da Perugia e dichiarato ribelle. Solo con la morte del pontefice, il B. e il
cugino Giampaolo poterono rientrare nella città difesa da Braccio Baglioni espugnando il palazzo del governatore e uccidendo Cinzio
Filonardi, vescovo di Terracina, vicelegato pontificio. Le truppe inviate da Paolo III, nel 1535, per ristabilire la situazione,
sbaragliarono le forze del B. che, privato di feudi e castelli, entrò al servizio di Alessandro de' Medici. Combatté contro i fuorusciti
fiorentini a Montemurlo, al comando di novecento cavalieri, e assisté poi alla proclamazione di Cosimo a duca di Firenze, come si
osserva in un affresco del Vasari nella sala detta di Cosimo I in Palazzo Vecchio.
Scoppiata nel 1540 tra il papa e Perugia la "guerra del sale", il governo perugino si rivolse al B. per organizzare la difesa.
Il B., cui nel 1538 erano stati restituiti dal pontefice i beni confiscati, sconsigliò il - ricorso alle armi, ma Cosimo I, preoccupato delle
ambizioni espansionistiche di Paolo III, lo convinse a cedere alle pressanti richieste dei Perugini, nonostante le assicurazioni in
contrario inviate al papa. Salutato come un liberatore, il B. entrò a Perugia il 16 maggio 1540. Sebbene la situazione fosse ormai
disperata, il B. concentrò le forze contro le truppe pontificie, che marciavano su Perugia attraverso Ponte San Giovanni, e riuscì a
batterle a Fontenuovo, a Borgo Sant'Antonio e a Monteluce. Mancando però vettovaglie e denari, pattuì di lì a poco col commissario
pontificio Girolamo Orsini la resa della città, effettuatasi il 4 giugno, salvi la vita ed i beni dei cittadini. Il B. indirizzò
contemporaneamente al cardinale Alessandro Farnese una lettera che delinea abbastanza nettamente il suo atteggiamento ambiguo nel
desiderio di non compromettere i buoni rapporti col papa: il che tuttavia non gli valse la conservazione dei feudi.
Tornato al servizio del duca di Firenze, il B. fu inviato nel 1543 a fortificare Volterra e i luoghi vicini, in seguito alla congiura ordita
in Siena dai Salvi per cedere Porte Ercole ai Francesi. Nel 1544 prese parte alla battaglia di Ceresole come capitano generale della
cavalleria che Cosimo de' Medici aveva inviato al campo imperiale contro i Francesi. Sconfitto dal maresciallo Paul de Termes, il B.,
pur essendo ferito, riuscì a ricomporre le schiere, per impedire al vincitore duca d'Enghien di marciare su Milano, e partecipò alla
vittoria su Piero Strozzi avvenuta fra Novi e Serravalle nel giugno 1544. Condusse quindi la cavalleria medicea a Ratisbona, per
unirla alle truppe di Carlo V. Dopo la pace di Crépy, partecipò alla guerra smalcaldica al comando di duecentocinquanta cavalleggeri.
Ritornato in Italia dopo la vittoria imperiale, Giulio III gli affidò l'incarico di occupare Castro. In riconoscimento dei servigi resi,
ottenne finalmente la restituzione dei beni, con breve datato 16 ott. 1551;il 10 novembre ritornò a Perugia e provvide
all'amministrazione dei feudi, che il 7 settembre successivo affidò allo zio, Leone Baglioni.
Passato di nuovo al servizio del duca di Firenze, il B. fu inviato, al momento della sollevazione senese, a Colle Val d'Elsa e a San
Gimignano, allo scopo di prevenire eventuali attacchi delle truppe francesi. Scoppiata nel 1553 la guerra di Siena, restò al servizio del
duca di Firenze, ottenendo, oltre al comando della cavalleria ducale, anche quello delle milizie di Cortona, Arezzo, Montepulciano e
Val d'Arno.
Nel corso della guerra fu a Pisa, poi a Volterra, come comandante della piazza, a Staggia, a Montepulciano, e partecipò alla presa
dell'Aiuola e di Lucignano, avvenuta il 2 luglio 1553. Alla fine dello stesso anno gli fu affidata una parte di primo piano nell'attacco
che contro Siena avrebbero dovuto sferrare le truppe mediceo-imperiali: mentre a Federico da Montauto era affidato il compito di
attaccare dal litorale tirrenico le città di Massa, Grosseto e Castiglion della Pescaia, il B., al comando di tremila fanti, avrebbe dovuto
invadere la Valdichiana, occupare Chiusi, Pienza e Montalcino, quindi unirsi al terzo contingente rimasto nei pressi di Siena agli
ordini del marchese di Marignano. L'azione non ebbe tuttavia successo: il B., attraversata la Valdichiana e tentato invano di
impadronirsi di Pienza, si diresse contro Siena, senza aver potuto occupare alcuno dei luoghi prestabiliti, mentre le sue retrovie
dovevano subire l'attacco degli archibugieri senesi; anche il Montauto fallì la sua missione.
Nel marzo 1554 il B. partecipò all'azione militare organizzata da Ascanio Della Cornia in Valdichiana, Giunto sotto Chiusi, il Della
Cornia tentò di impadronirsi della città col tradimento, ma una spia, Santaccio da Cutignano, ne informò il difensore, Gìovacchino
Guasconi. I franco-senesi attesero che l'esercito mediceo passasse il ponte della Chiana per assalirlo improvvisamente, impedendo,
con l'occupazione del ponte, la ritirata. Durante questo scontro del 24 marzo 1554 il B. rimase ucciso da una archibugiata.
Fonti e Bibl.: A. Sozzini, Diario delle cose avvenute in Siena dai 20luglio 1550ai 28giugno 1555,in Arch. stor. ital.,II(1842), 193,
531, 534, 592; G. Roffia, Narrazione del tradimento fatto da Santaccio da Cutigliano, ibid. pp. 528-536; C. Bontempi, Ricordi della
città di Perugia dal 1527al 1550, a cura di F. Bonaini, ibid.,XVI,2 (1851), passim; La guerra del sale ossia racconto della guerra
sostenuta dai Perugini contro Paolo III nel 1540 tratto dalle memorie di Giacomo di Frolliere,a cura di F. Bonaini, ibid., passim;G.
Canestrini-A. Desjardins, Négociations diplomatiques entre la France et la Toscane,III,Paris 1865, pp. 67, 96, 98, 100, 101, 108,112,
114, 116, 117, 118, 129; G. Spini, Lettere di Cosimo de' Medici,Firenze 1940, pp. 46, 48, 132, 139, 141; G. De Leva, Storia
documentata di Carlo V in correlazione all'Italia,III,Venezia 1867, pp. 504, 5o6; IV, Padova 1881, V. 165; L. de Baglion, Histoire de
la maison des Baglioni,Poitiers 1907, passim; L. Fumi, Ragguaglio della ribellione di Perugia,in Bollett. d. R. Deput. di storia patria
per l'Umbria,XIV(19o8), pp. 69-81; L. de Baglion, Pérouse et les Baglioni,Paris 1909, passim;L. v.Pastor, Storia dei Papi,V,Roma
1914, pp. 196 s.; VI, ibid. 1922, pp. 93, 98; G. Prunai, Ascanio della Cornia e la sorpresa di Chiusi (22-23marzo 1554), in Bullett.
senese di storia patria,n. s., IX(1938), pp. 101, 172; P. Pieri, Il Rinascimento e la crisi militare italiana,Torino 1952, pp. 576, 583,
586; A. D'Addario, Il problema senese,Firenze 1958, pp. 153, 176, 272, 274, 295; L. Bonazzi, Storia di Perugia dalle origini al 186o,
a cura di G. Innamorati, II, Città di Castello 196o, pp. 103, 106, 107, 113, 117, 138-149, 162.
Carlo Gonzaga (1525-1566)
Carlo Gonzaga (1525–1566) was an Italian military leader. At the Battle of Ceresole, he commanded the Imperial heavy cavalry, and
was captured by the French when it fled from the field. Oman, Charles (1937). A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century.
London: Methuen & Co..
Eriprando Madruzzo (? - 1547)
Eriprando Madruzzo[1] (died 1547) was an Italian mercenary captain. The brother of the Bishop of Trent Cristoforo Madruzzo, he
fought in Hungary against the Turks at the service of Charles V. During the Italian Wars, he commanded the Imperial landsknechts at
the Battle of Ceresole in 1544,[2] being wounded in the fray. The following year he was entrusted the security of the Council of Trent.
In 1546 Madruzzo took part to the wars against the Protestants in Germany, and died at Ulm in 1547. Notes
1.
^ Other variants of the spelling, such as "Aldobrando Madrazzo", are occasionally used by non-Italian historians.
2.
References Madruzzo geneaology (Italian) Oman, Charles (1937). A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century. London:
Methuen & Co..
Ferdinando Sanseverino (1507 - 1568)
Ferdinando (Ferrante) Sanseverino, Prince of Salerno (January 18, 1507 – 1568) was an Italian condottiero.
Biography Born in Naples, he was the son of Roberto Sanseverino and a noble girl from a Salerno family. Fernando Sanseverino was
the last of the Sanseverino Princes of Salerno. He fought for Emperor Charles V in Germany and France. He took part to Charles'
incoronation in Bologna (1530), and was also present at the conquest of Tunis in 1535. He was one of the imperial leaders in the
fourth war against Francis I of France and fought at the battle of Ceresole (1544). Returning to Naples, he went to short terms with the
Spanish viceroy Pedro de Toledo, due to his opposition to the institution of Holy Inquisition tribunals in the Kingdom of Naples. He
therefore moved to France at the court of King Henry II, embracing the Huguenot creed. His Italian fiefs were given to the Gonzaga.
Ferdinando Sanseverino died in France in 1568.
Main accomplishments He organized a naval attack of French ships against Naples and Salerno, but it failed due to the intervention
of the Turk fleet. He was an a passionate supporter of contemporary theatre, and had one built within his palace in Naples. His refusal
to accept the Inquisition inside his possession in Salerno created a break between him and the Spanish government in southern Italy.
Mainly as a consequence of this, Fernando Sanseverino was forced to exile in France. He died in Avignon in 1568. His legacy in the
Principate of Salerno was to bring to the southern italian city (and the surrounding area) the ideas of the Italian Renaissance. He
brought to Salerno Torquato Tasso for some years.
External links Sanseverino
Philip de Lannoy, 1st Prince of Sulmona
Philip de Lannoy, Prince of Sulmona (fl. 1544) was an Italian military leader in Spanish service. At the Battle of Ceresole, he
commanded the Neapolitan light cavalry. Oman, Charles. A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century. London: Methuen &
Co., 1937.
Capitan Giovacchino da Coniano
Sergente maggiore della fanteria italiana al soldo inglese e agli ordini di Surrey, nella spedizione francese del 1544.
Trattato dell'Ordinanze, o' vero Battaglie del Capitano Giovacchino, in Della fortificazione delle città, di M. Girolamo Maggi, e del
Capitan Iacomo Castriotto Ingegniero del Christianiß. Re di Francia, Libri III In Venetia, Appresso Camillo Borgominiero, al
Segno di S. Giorgio MDLXXXIII. anastatica, Roma, Viella, 1982. Venezia, 1584, in-fol. [Haym IV, p. 166, N. 4. Tiraboschi,
Storia della lett. it., VII, 2a, p. 512. Ayala, pp. 19-20: "trovasi alla fine del trattato di fortificazione di M. Girolamo Maggi: ma
non è intero, e fu dato al Maggi da Vincenzio Quistello, il quale aveva altre opere del Coniano, massime su la fortificazione. Il
Coniano fu sergente maggiore degl'italiani nell'esercito inglese contro il francese, ed ebbe compagno d'armi il Melloni ch'ei cita
di frequente". Cockle N. 532].
Ramón de Cardona
Ramon Folch de Cardona y Anglesola (Italian: Raimondo di Cardona) (1467 – 10 March 1523) was a Catalan general and
politician, who served as the viceroy of Naples during the Italian Wars and commanded the Spanish forces in Italy during the War of
the League of Cambrai. He was count of Oliveto, title awarded on 12 December 1515. Oliveto is in Italy This Cardona, 5th Baron of
Bellpuig, 41º 37Ń 1º 01' E, Baron of Linyola and Baron of Utxafavá, all the 3 places in Catalonia, was born in Bellpuig, within one
of the greatest families in Aragon. On 12 December 1502 he was awarded the title of Duke of Soma, taking part in 1505, with the role
of admiral, in the capture of Mers-el-Kébir. King Ferdinand II of Aragon, of whom he has been postulated to be a natural son[1], made
him Viceroy of Naples in 1505. He stayed a Viceroy of Naples till 1507, being a Viceroy of Sicily from 1507 to 1509 and coming
back to Naples and staying there till his death in 1522. In 1510 he received instructions on introducing the Inquisition in Naples, a
decision which caused a popular revolt; after which the Spanish king canceled the decree. In 1511 Cardona moved to northern Italy as
the commander-in-chief of the League of Cambrai army, leaving the Neapolitan government to his wife Isabel de Requesens, 2nd
countess of Palamós, 41° 51′ 0″ N, 3° 8′ 0″ E, in Catalonia, Spain, 2nd countess of Avellino,40º 55Ń 14º 47'E, in Campania, Italy,
2nd countess of Trivento,41º 46Ń 14º 33É in Molise, Italy, baroness of Calonge, Baix Empordà, Catalonia, Spain, daughter of
Galceran de Requesens the first holder of these titles. In the following year he was defeated by Gaston of Foix, Duke of Nemours at
Battle of Ravenna. Cardona then moved to Tuscany to support the then Spanish-supported House of Medici. His troops besieged
Prato, massacring the population after its fall. In 1513 Cardona returned to Lombardy with a new army the following year and fought
successfully at the Battle of La Motta, defeating the Venetian army led by Bartolomeo d'Alviano. He was however unable to prevent
the Venetians from joining with the French at the Battle of Marignano. In February 1513, after the death of Pope Julius II, (1443–
1513), a.k.a. Giuliano della Rovere and the arrival in Italy of King Francis I of France, Cardona was called back to Spain. In 1515 he
had received the title of Count of Alvito, a fiefdom in what is now southern Lazio. In 1519 the new king of Spain, Charles I of Spain,
a.k.a. Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, made him Great Admiral of the Kingdom of Naples. He died at Naples in 1522. His cenotaph
in Bellpuig, Catalonia, executed by Giovanni da Nola, is one of the most outstanding examples of Renaissance art in the region. One
of their sons was named Fernando Folch de Cardona, 2nd duke of Soma being 3r count of Oliveto, in Italy and other titles, Viceroy of
Sicily, deceased 13 September 1571, was the inheritor of the title of the title of "duca de Soma", Duke of Soma, in Italy, apparently,
on 12 December 1534, probably because the original title of 1502 seems to have been awarded by the supposed king of Naples,
bastard Frederick IV of Naples, the son of bastard king of Naples Ferrante I of Naples, (1423 - king of Naples 1458 - January 1494).
The sister of this 2nd duke of Soma, named Caterina de Cardona y Requesens, deceased in 1577, married Italian aristocracy coming
from the bastard king of Naples Ferrante I of Naples relationship with Diana Guardato , Ferrante I comin from Giraldona Carlino
relationship with the king in Spanish Aragon-Catalonia and later Conqueror of the Naples - Sicily kingdom Alfonso V of Aragon.
Thus, Caterina de Cardona y Requesens linked her Catalan "Folch de Cardona" blood with the Neapolitan-Calabrese-Sicilian royal
blood of Don Ferrante d' Aragona, 1st duke of Montalto, later continued also on the "Moncada" family Sicilian Princes of Paternò,
from the Province of Catania, Sicily, 37°34′N 14°54′E, Grandees of Spain, too.
Notes^ Ballesteros Gaibrois, Manuel (1953). Ramon de Cardona, colaborador del Rey Catolico en Italia. Madrid.
References
• Norwich, John Julius (1989). A History of Venice. New York: Vintage Books. ISBN 0-679-72197-5.
• Taylor, Frederick Lewis (1973). The Art of War in Italy, 1494-1529. Westport: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-8371-5025-6.
http://www.grandesp.org.uk/historia/gzas/soma.htm
Portrait of Dona Isabel de Requesens, wife of Ramon de Cardona. Tomb of Ramon de Cardona, by Giovanni da Nola.
Piero Strozzi (1510 - 1558)
Piero Strozzi as Marshal of France.
Piero (or Pietro) Strozzi (c. 1510 – 21 June 1558) was an Italian military leader. He was a member of the rich Florentine family of
the Strozzi.
Biography Piero Strozzi was the son of Filippo Strozzi the Younger and Clarice de' Medici. Although in 1539 he married another
Medici, Laudomia di Pierfrancesco, he was a fierce opponent of the main line of that family. He fought in the army led by his father
and other Florentine exile from France to oust the Medici from Florence, but, after their defeat at the Battle of Montemurlo, Piero fled
to France at the court of Catherine de' Medici. He was in French service during the Italian War of 1542. Having raised an army of
Italian mercenaries, he was confronted by the Spanish-Imperial forces at the Battle of Serravalle, where he was defeated. In 1548 he
was in Scotland supporting Mary of Guise of behalf of Henri II of France, during the war of the Rough Wooing. There he designed
fortifications against the English at Leith and Haddington. As he was shot in the thigh by an arquebus at Haddington, Strozzi
supervised the works at Leith from a chair carried by four workmen.[1] Strozzi also designed works at Dunbar Castle with the
assistance of Migiliorino Ubaldini.[2] He was named marshal of France in 1554. Later he fought in the defence of the Republic of
Siena against Cosimo de' Medici, leading a French army. He obtained a pyrrhic victory at Pontedera on 11 June 1554, but his army
could not receive help from the ships of his brother Leone (who had been killed by an arquebus shot near Castiglione della Pescaia)
and he was forced to retreat to Pistoia. On 2 August his defeat at the Battle of Marciano meant the end of the Senese independence. In
1556 he was appointed as superintendent of the Papal army and lord of Épernay. In 1557 the participated in the siege of Thionville,
near Calais. He died there the following year. He is generally credited as the inventor of the dragoon military speciality (arquebusiers
à cheval or horse arquibusiers).[3] His son Filippo was also a military commander, as was his brother Leone Strozzi, a Knight of Malta,
known as the Prior of Capua.
Citations and notes
1.
^ Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. i, (1898), 158: Michaud & Poujoulat, "Nouvelle Collection des memoirs
pour
server
a
l’histoire
de
France,
vol.
6
(1839)".
http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=dtxAAAAAcAAJ&pg=PA1&dq=michaud+poujoulat+nouvelle+guise+aumale&cd=9#v
=onepage&q&f=false., 3.
2.
^ Merriman, Marcus, The Rough Wooings, Tuckwell (2000), 327-330.
3.
^ p.102, Fortescue
References Fortescue, John William, A History of the British Army, volume I, chapter 2, Macmillan, 1899
Recommended reading Oman, Charles. A History of the Art of War in the Sixteenth Century. London: Methuen & Co., 1937
Piero Strozzi
Da Wikipedia, l'enciclopedia libera.
Piero o Pietro Strozzi (1510 – Thionville, 21 giugno 1558) è stato un condottiero italiano, membro della famiglia patrizia fiorentina
degli Strozzi, figlio di Filippo Strozzi e di Clarice de' Medici.
Biografia Il primogentito di casa Strozzi venne avviato inizialmente alla carriera ecclesiastica, per poi preferire quella militare. Dal
1539 fu sposato con Laudomia di Piefrancesco de' Medici, sorella di Lorenzino de' Medici (amico del padre) dalla quale ebbe due
figli. Sebbene strettamente imparentato con i Medici, la sua famiglia fu spesso in contrasto con il ramo principale, in particolare
contro Cosimo I. Nel 1537 suo padre era sceso dalla Francia con un esercito di esuli fiorentini decisi a riprendere la città dopo la
scelta del nuovo granduca, ma fu miseramente sconfitto nella battaglia di Montemurlo, trovando la morte nel carcere della Fortezza di
San Giovanni. Piero in quell'occasione, con gli altri fratelli, era riuscito a trovare scampo in Francia, alla corte di Caterina de' Medici,
che non gradiva la nuova generazione dei Medici al potere. Passato al servizio di Francesco I di Francia, combatté contro gli spagnoli
a Serravalle Scrivia. Enrico II lo creò, più tardi, Maresciallo di Francia (1558).
L'assedio della Mirandola Nel 1551 Piero Strozzi tornò in Italia dove diede prova luminosa delle sue capacità militari durante
l'assedio della Mirandola. La guerra era nata dalla successione nel ducato di Parma e Piacenza, a Pier Luigi Farnese, figlio
riconosciuto di papa Paolo III. Assassinato Pier Luigi dal consuocero, l'imperatore Carlo V, il pontefice aveva veduto dissolversi il
sogno di fondare una casa principesca, si era impegnato a convincere il concistoro dei cardinali a consegnare le due città al figlio di
Pierluigi, Ottavio, in forma legale, ma Ottavio prevenne il nonno occupando Parma con gesto di ribaldo. Per il gesto Paolo III morì,
forse, di crepacuore. Ferrante I Gonzaga, governatore imperiale di Milano, ebbe ordine dall'imperatore Carlo V di occupare Parma. Il
giovane duca ribelle trovò l'appoggio dei francesi, desiderosi di rientrare, dopo Pavia, nel gioco italiano. La Francia assoldò lo Strozzi,
che raccolse soldati alla Mirandola, la cittadella il cui signore era stato dichiarato fellone da Carlo e si era venduto alla Francia. Si
combatté sotto le mura di Parma e di Mirandola, che sostenne lo sforzo preminente contro schiaccianti forze papali. Le mura di nuova
concezione, disegnate per un uso rivoluzionario delle artiglierie, consentirono a poche centinaia di difensori di avere ragione di 23.000 avversari, uccidendone oltre 1.000. Fu il trionfo dello Strozzi, che ne uscì con la fama di primo generale italiano, e del giovane
signore della Mirandola, Ludovico Pico.
Altre imprese Paradossalmente, Strozzi avrebbe dissolto la propria fama, dopo pochi anni, nella battaglia della Chiana, dove fu
tradito dalla errata manovra di Ludovico Pico, che, al comando della cavalleria, gli scoprì il fianco agli spagnoli. Col tramonto di
Strozzi, nemico giurato di Cosimo I, ritrovavano la sicurezza i Medici a Firenze, uscivano i francesi dal gioco italiano.[1]. Quando
Cosimo si preparò ad attaccare Siena, Piero insieme con il fratello Leone accorso per difendere l'antica repubblica, con un esercito di
truppe francesi. Assediati dai fiorentini e dagli imperiali, l'11 giugno 1554 Piero tentò una sortita dalla città con diecimila uomini,
dirigendosi verso Pontedera. Sperando di raggiungere Firenze attraverso la Val di Nievole, colse di sorpresa i nemici. Dopo un esito
inizialmente favorevole, le truppe di Piero si ritirarono a Pistoia in attesa di aiuti via mare portati da Leone Strozzi. Ma Leone era
morto colpito da un archibugio vicino a Castiglione della Pescaia e il mal tempo impedì alle navi di attraccare. Così Piero riuscì solo a
rientrare fortunosamente in Siena. Piero tentò un nuova sortita il 2 agosto, ma fu sconfitto a Marciano della Chiana. La guerra di Siena
venne persa. La causa della sconfitta fu attribuita ad un errato utilizzo della cavalleria comandata da Pico della Mirandola. Persa
Siena, la resistenza continuò a Montalcino (1556). Nel 1556 fu nominato Sovraintendente alle armate pontificie e signore di Epernay.
Nel 1557 partecipò all'assedio di Thionville, presso Calais, morendo il 21 giugno del 1558. Viene generalmente considerato come
l'inventore dei Dragoni, cioè delle truppe di archibugieri a cavallo. Suo figlio Filippo fu pure un comandante.
Note ^ I precedenti diplomatici della guerra, condotti dal cardinale Alessandro, fratello di Ottavio, la preparazione militare, gli scontri
iniziali, il lungo assedio, la sua fine repentina, per l'uccisione del nipote del papa che comandava l'esercito assediante, sono stati
ricostruiti, sulle cronache locali, nel romanzo storico di Antonio Saltini, L'assedio della Mirandola, Edizioni Diabasis, 2004.
Bibliografia Giorgio Batini, Capitani di Toscana, Firenze, Edizioni Polistampa, 2005, pp. 182 - 195 ISBN 88-8304-915-2
Altri progetti
Wikimedia Commons contiene file multimediali su Piero Strozzi
Courcelles, Dictionnaire Historique des Généraux Français, IX, pp. 197 - 200
John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland
Born
1504 London
Died
22 August 1553 (aged 48–49) Tower Hill, London
Cause of death
Decapitation
Resting place
St. Peter ad Vincula, London
Title
Duke of Northumberland
Tenure
1551–1553
Other titles
Viscount Lisle Earl of Warwick
Known for
De facto ruling England, 1550–1553
Nationality
English
Residence
Ely Place, London Durham House, London Dudley Castle, West Midlands Warwick Castle,
Warwickshire Kenilworth Castle, Warwickshire
Locality
West Midlands
Wars and battles
Invasion of France, 1523 The Rough Wooing Siege of Boulogne, 1544
Battle of the Solent Battle of Pinkie Kett's Rebellion Campaign against Mary Tudor, 1553
Offices
Vice-Admiral Lord Admiral Governor of Boulogne Lord Great Chamberlain
Grand Master of the Royal Household Lord President of the Council Warden General of the
Scottish Marches Earl Marshal of England
Spouse(s)
Jane Guildford
Issue
Sir Henry Dudley Thomas Dudley (died as a child) John Dudley, 2nd Earl of Warwick
Ambrose Dudley, 3rd Earl of Warwick Robert Dudley, 1st Earl of Leicester Guildford
Dudley Henry Dudley Charles Dudley (died as a child) Mary Sidney Katherine Hastings,
Countess of Huntingdon Temperance Dudley (died as a child) Margaret Dudley (died as a
child) Katherine Dudley (died as a child)
Parents
Edmund Dudley Elizabeth Grey, 6th Baroness Lisle
Signature
John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland, KG (1504[1] – 22 August 1553) was an English general, admiral, and politician, who
led the government of the young King Edward VI from 1550 until 1553, and unsuccessfully tried to install Lady Jane Grey on the
English throne after the King's death. The son of Edmund Dudley, a minister of Henry VII executed by Henry VIII, John Dudley
became the ward of Sir Edward Guildford at the age of seven. He grew up in Guildford's household together with his future wife,
Guildford's daughter Jane, with whom he was to have 13 children. Dudley served as Vice-Admiral and Lord Admiral from 1537 until
1547, during which time he set novel standards of navy organization and was an innovative commander at sea. He also developed a
strong interest in overseas exploration. Dudley took part in the 1544 campaigns in Scotland and France and was one of Henry VIII's
intimates in the last years of the reign. He was also a leader of the religious reform party at court. In 1547 Dudley was created Earl of
Warwick and, with the Duke of Somerset, England's Lord Protector, distinguished himself in the renewed Scottish war at the Battle of
Pinkie. During the country-wide uprisings of 1549 Dudley put down Kett's Rebellion in Norfolk. Convinced of the Protector's
incompetence, he and other privy councillors forced Somerset out of office in October 1549. Having averted a conservative reaction
in religion and a plot to destroy him alongside Somerset, Dudley emerged in early 1550 as de facto regent for the 12-year-old
Edward VI. He reconciled himself with Somerset, who nevertheless soon began to intrigue against him and his policies. Somerset was
executed on largely fabricated charges, three months after Dudley had been raised to the Dukedom of Northumberland in October
1551. As Lord President of the Council, Dudley headed a distinctly conciliar government and sought to introduce the adolescent King
into business. Taking over an almost bankrupt administration, he ended the costly wars with France and Scotland and tackled finances
in ways that led to some economic recovery. To prevent further uprisings he introduced countrywide policing on a local basis,
appointing Lords Lieutenants who were in close contact with the central authority. Dudley's religious policy was—in accordance with
Edward's proclivities—decidedly Protestant, further enforcing the English Reformation and promoting radical reformers to high
Church positions. The 15-year-old King fell ill in early 1553 and excluded his half-sisters Mary and Elizabeth, whom he regarded as
illegitimate, from the succession, designating non-existent, hypothetical male heirs. As his death approached, Edward changed his will
so that his Protestant cousin Jane Grey, Northumberland's daughter-in-law, could inherit the Crown. To what extent the Duke
influenced this scheme is uncertain. The traditional view is that it was Northumberland's plot to maintain his power by placing his
family on the throne. Many historians see the project as genuinely Edward's, enforced by Dudley after the King's death. The Duke did
not prepare well for this occasion. Having marched to East Anglia to capture Princess Mary, he surrendered on hearing that the Privy
Council had changed sides and proclaimed Mary as Queen. Convicted of high treason, Northumberland returned to Catholicism and
abjured the Protestant faith before his execution. Having secured the contempt of both religious camps, popularly hated, and a natural
scapegoat, he became the "wicked Duke"—in contrast to his predecessor Somerset, the "good Duke". Only since the 1970s has he
also been seen as a Tudor Crown servant: self-serving, inherently loyal to the incumbent monarch, and an able statesman in difficult
times.
Career under Henry VIII John Dudley was the eldest of three sons of Edmund Dudley, a councillor of King Henry VII, and his
second wife Elizabeth Grey, daughter of Edward Grey, 4th Viscount Lisle.[2] His father was attainted and executed for high treason in
1510, having been arrested immediately after Henry VIII's accession because the new King needed scapegoats for his predecessor's
unpopular financial policies.[3] In 1512 the seven-year-old John became the ward of Sir Edward Guildford and was taken into his
household.[4] At the same time Edmund Dudley's attainder was lifted and John Dudley was restored "in name and blood". The King
was hoping for the good services "which the said John Dudley is likely to do".[4] At about age 15 John Dudley probably went with his
guardian to the Pale of Calais to serve there for the next years.[5] He took part in Cardinal Wolsey's diplomatic voyages of 1521 and
1527, and was knighted by Charles Brandon, 1st Duke of Suffolk during his first major military experience, the 1523 invasion of
France.[6] In 1524 Dudley became a Knight of the Body, a special mark of the King's favour,[7] and from 1534 he was responsible for
the King's body armour as Master of the Tower Armoury.[8] Being "the most skilful of his generation, both on foot and on horseback",
he excelled in wrestling, archery, and the tournaments of the royal court, as a French report stated as late as 1546.[8] In 1525 Dudley
married Guildford's daughter Jane, who was four years his junior and his former class-mate.[1] The Dudleys belonged to the new
evangelical circles of the early 1530s,[9] and their 13 children were educated in Renaissance humanism and science.[10] Sir Edward
Guildford died in 1534 without a written will. His only son having predeceased him, Guildford's nephew, John Guildford, asserted
that his uncle had intended him to inherit. Dudley and his wife contested this claim. The parties went to court and Dudley, who had
secured Thomas Cromwell's patronage, won the case.[11] In 1532 he lent his cousin, John Sutton, 3rd Baron Dudley, over ₤7,000 on
the security of the baronial estate.[12] Lord Dudley was unable to pay off any of his creditors, so when the mortgage was foreclosed in
the late 1530s Sir John Dudley came into possession of Dudley Castle.[13] Dudley was present at Henry VIII's meeting with Francis I
of France at Calais in 1532. Another member of the entourage was Anne Boleyn, who was soon to be queen. Dudley took part in the
christenings of Princess Elizabeth and Prince Edward[14] and, in connection with the announcement of the Prince's birth to the
Emperor, travelled to Spain via France in October 1537.[15] He sat in the Reformation parliament in 1534–1536, and led one of the
contingents sent against the Pilgrimage of Grace in late 1536.[16] In January 1537 Dudley was made Vice-Admiral and began to apply
himself enthusiastically to naval matters.[17] He was briefly Master of the Horse to Anne of Cleves,[8] and in 1542 was granted his
grandfather's title of Viscount Lisle—after the death of his stepfather Arthur Plantagenet and "by the right of his mother".[18] Being
now a peer, Dudley became Lord Admiral and a Knight of the Garter in 1543; he was also admitted to the Privy Council.[19] In the
aftermath of the Battle of Solway Moss in 1542 he served as Warden of the Scottish Marches, and in the 1544 campaign the English
force under Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford was supported by a fleet which Dudley commanded. Dudley joined the land force that
destroyed Edinburgh, after he had blown the main gate apart with a culverin.[20] In late 1544 he was appointed Governor of Boulogne,
the siege of which had cost the life of his eldest son, Henry.[21] His tasks were to rebuild the fortifications to King Henry's design and
to fend off French attacks by sea and land.[22] As Lord Admiral, Dudley was responsible for creating the Council for Marine Causes,
which for the first time co-ordinated the various tasks of maintaining the navy functioning and thus made English naval administration
the most efficient in Europe.[1] At sea, Dudley's fighting orders were at the forefront of tactical thinking: Squadrons of ships, ordered
by size and firepower, were to manoeuvre in formation, using co-ordinated gunfire. These were all new developments in the English
navy.[23] In 1545 he directed the fleet's operations before, during, and after the Battle of the Solent and entertained King Henry on the
flagship Henri Grace a Dieu. A tragic loss was the sinking of the Mary Rose with 500 men aboard.[24] In 1546 John Dudley went to
France for peace negotiations. When he suspected the Admiral of France, Claude d'Annebault, of manoeuvres which might have led
to a renewal of hostilities, he suddenly put to sea in a show of English strength, before returning to the negotiating table.[25] He then
travelled to Fontainebleau, where the English delegates were entertained by the Dauphin Henri and King Francis. In the Peace of
Camp, the French king acknowledged Henry VIII's title as "Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland", a success for both
England and her Lord Admiral.[26] John Dudley, popularly fêted and highly regarded by King Henry as a general,[27] became a royal
intimate who played cards with the ailing monarch.[21] Next to Edward Seymour, Prince Edward's maternal uncle, Dudley was one of
the leaders of the Reformed party at court, and both their wives were among the friends of Anne Askew, the Protestant martyr
destroyed by Bishop Stephen Gardiner in July 1546.[28] Dudley and the Queen's brother, William Parr, tried to convince Anne Askew
to conform to the Catholic doctrines of the Henrician church, yet she replied "it was great shame for them to counsel contrary to their
knowledge".[1] In September Dudley struck Gardiner in the face during a full meeting of the Council. This was a grave offence, and he
was lucky to escape with a month's leave from court in disgrace.[29] In the last weeks of the reign Seymour and Dudley played their
parts in Henry's strike against the conservative House of Howard, thus clearing the path for a Protestant minority rule.[30] They were
seen as the likely leaders of the impending regency[31]—"there are no other nobles of a fit age and ability for the task", Eustache
Chapuys, the former Imperial ambassador, commented from his retirement.[32]
From Earl of Warwick to Duke of Northumberland The 16 executors of Henry VIII's will also embodied the Regency Council that
had been appointed to rule collectively during Edward VI's minority.[33] The new Council agreed on making Edward Seymour, Earl of
Hertford Lord Protector with full powers, which in effect were those of a prince.[34] At the same time the Council awarded themselves
a round of promotions based on Henry VIII's wishes; the Earl of Hertford became the Duke of Somerset and John Dudley was created
Earl of Warwick.[35][note 1] The new Earl had to pass on his post of Lord Admiral to Somerset's brother, Thomas Seymour, but
advanced to Lord Great Chamberlain. Perceived as the most important man next the Protector, he was on friendly terms with
Somerset,[37] who soon reopened the war with Scotland. Dudley accompanied him as second-in-command with a taste for personal
combat.[38] On one occasion he fought his way out of an ambush and, spear in hand, chased his Scottish counterpart for some
250 yards (230 m), nearly running him through.[39] In the Battle of Pinkie Dudley led the vanguard, being "one of the key architects of
the English victory".[40] The Protector's agrarian policy and proclamations were inspired by a group of intellectuals who called
themselves "the commonwealth men". These were highly critical of landlords and left many commoners with the impression that
enclosures were unlawful.[42] As one of England's major landowners, Dudley soon feared that this would lead to serious trouble and
discreetly tried to warn Somerset.[43] By the summer of 1549 there was widespread unrest or even rebellion all over England.[44] The
Marquess of Northampton had been unable to restore order in and around Norwich,[45] so John Dudley was sent to get hold of Kett's
Rebellion. Dudley offered Robert Kett a pardon on the condition that the peasant army disband at once. This was rejected and the next
night Dudley stormed the rebel-held city with a small mercenary contingent and drove the rebels out. Two days later Kett, who had
his main camp outside the city, confronted the royal army, resulting in a slaughter of some 2,000 peasants. Dudley took many
prisoners and executed about a dozen of their "captains".[46] He warned the enraged and humiliated local gentlemen against excessive
revenge: "Is there no place for pardon? ... What shall we then do? Shall we hold the plough ourselves, play the carters and labour the
ground with our own hands?" [47] The Lord Protector, in his proclamations, appealed to the common people.[48] To his colleagues,
whom he hardly consulted,[49] he displayed a distinctly autocratic and "increasingly contemptuous" face.[48] By autumn 1549 the same
councillors who had made him Protector were convinced that he had failed to exercise proper authority and was unwilling to listen to
good counsel.[50] As he told the Imperial ambassador, Dudley especially blamed the Duchess of Somerset for the situation.[51] He still
had the troops from the Norfolk campaign at his disposal, and in October 1549 joined the Earl of Southampton and the Earl of
Arundel, prominent religious conservatives, to lead a coup of councillors to oust the Protector from office.[52] They withdrew from
court to London, meeting in Dudley's residence. Starting with the Protector, each side issued a proclamation accusing the other of
treason and declared to act in defence of the King's safety.[53] Somerset tried in vain to raise a popular force and entrenched himself
with the King at the fortress Windsor Castle. Military force near Edward's presence was unthinkable and, apparently, Dudley and
Archbishop Cranmer brokered an unofficial deal with Somerset, who surrendered.[54] To keep appearances, the 12-year-old King
personally commanded his uncle's arrest.[55] For a moment there was hope of a conservative restoration in some quarters.[56] However,
Dudley and Cranmer secured the Reformed agenda by persuading Edward to appoint additional Reformed-minded members to the
Council and Privy Chamber.[57] In December 1549 Southampton tried to regain predominance by charging Dudley with treason, along
with Somerset, for having been an original ally of the Protector.[58] The scheme misfired when Dudley invited the Council to his house
and baffled the plotters by exclaiming, with his hand at his sword and "a warlike visage": "my lord, you seek his [Somerset's] blood
and he that seeketh his blood would have mine also".[59] Dudley consolidated his power through institutional manoeuvres and by
January 1550 was in effect the new regent. On 2 February 1550 he became Lord President of the Council, with the capacity to debar
councillors from the body and appoint new ones.[60] He excluded Southampton and other conservatives, but arranged Somerset's
release and his return to the Privy Council and Privy Chamber.[61] In June 1550 Dudley's heir John married Somerset's daughter Anne
as a mark of reconciliation.[62] Yet Somerset soon attracted political sympathizers and hoped to re-establish his power by removing
Dudley from the scene,[63] "contemplating", as he later admitted, the Lord President's arrest and execution.[64] Relying on his
popularity with the masses, he campaigned against and tried to obstruct Dudley's policies.[65] His behaviour increasingly threatened
the cohesion vital within a minority regime.[66] In that respect Warwick would take no chances,[67] and he now also aspired to a
dukedom. He needed to advertise his power and impress his followers; like his predecessor, he had to represent the King's honour.[68]
His elevation as Duke of Northumberland came in October 1551 with the Duke of Somerset participating in the ceremony.[69] Some
days later Somerset was arrested, while rumours about supposed plots of his circulated. He was accused of having planned a "banquet
massacre", in which the Council were to be assaulted and Dudley killed.[70] Somerset was acquitted of treason but then, in January
1552, executed on charges of felony for assembling armed men without a licence and plotting the murder of a privy councillor. While
this was technically lawful,[71] these events contributed much to Northumberland's growing unpopularity.[72] Dudley himself,
according to a French eyewitness, confessed before his own end that "nothing had pressed so injuriously upon his conscience as the
fraudulent scheme against the Duke of Somerset".[73]
Ruling England Instead of taking the title of Lord Protector, John Dudley set out to rule as primus inter pares.[74] "[He] is absolute
master here", Francis van der Delft, Imperial ambassador, commented.[75] Nevertheless, as the same and other ambassadors noted, the
working atmosphere had markedly changed from autocratic to conciliar.[76] The new Lord President of the Council reshuffled some
high offices, becoming Grand Master of the Household himself and giving Somerset's former office of Lord Treasurer to William
Paulet, 1st Marquess of Winchester.[77] The office of Grand Master entailed supervising the Royal Household, which gave Dudley the
means to control the Privy Chamber and thus the King's surroundings.[78] This was done via his "special friends" (as he called them),
Sir John Gates and Lord Thomas Darcy.[79] Dudley also placed his son-in-law Sir Henry Sidney and his brother Sir Andrew Dudley
near the King.[80] William Cecil was still in the Duke of Somerset's service when he gradually shifted his loyalty to John Dudley, who
made him Secretary of State and thought him "a most faithful servant and by that term most witty [wise] councillor ... as was scarce
like in this realm".[81] In this position Cecil was Dudley's trusted right hand, who primed the Privy Council according to the Lord
President's wishes. At the same time Cecil had intimate contact with the King because Edward worked closely with the secretaries of
state.[82] Dudley organized Edward's political education so that he should take an interest in affairs and at least appear to influence
decisions.[83] He wanted the King to grow into his authority as smoothly as possible. Disruptive conflicts when Edward took over
government could thus be minimized, while Dudley's chances to continue as principal minister would be good.[84] From the age of
about 14 Edward's signature on documents no longer needed the Council's countersignatures,[85] and the King was regularly debriefed
in meetings with a Council of his own choosing—the principal administrators and the Duke of Northumberland were among the
chosen.[86] Dudley had a warm if respectful relationship with the teenager, who "loved and feared" him according to Jehan de
Scheyfye, the Imperial ambassador.[87] At a dinner Edward discussed with the envoy at length until Northumberland discreetly
indicated to the King that he had said enough.[88] Yet the Duke did not necessarily have his way in all things. In 1552–1553 the King's
hand can be discerned behind decisions (and omissions) that directly contravened Dudley's wishes.[89] At court, complex networks of
influence were at work and Edward listened to more than one voice.[90] Regarding the question to what extent Edward played a role in
his own government, Stephen Alford writes: It is possible to endorse Edward's developing grasp of the business of kingship and
accept the still powerful political presence of John Dudley and his colleagues. The structures of ... the ... Council and the royal
household began to adapt themselves to the implications of the king's age ... the dynamics of power at the centre were capable of
reshaping themselves because the men around the king accepted that, in the circumstances, they should.[91]
Social and economic policy The English people, as is evident from contemporary broadsheet ballads and alehouse talk, were
generally disaffected to the men who ruled in the name of their king.[92] Having inherited a failed government, Dudley set out to
restore administrative efficiency and maintain public order to prevent renewed rebellion as seen in 1549.[92] Equipped with a new law
"for the punishment of unlawful assemblies",[93] he built a united front of landholders and Privy Council, the government intervening
locally at any sign of unrest.[94] Dudley's methods were a mixture of old and new. He returned to the ancient practice of granting
licences to retain liveried followers and installed Lord Lieutenants that represented the central government and were to keep ready
small bands of cavalry.[95] These measures proved effective and the country was calm for the rest of the reign. In fact, in the summer
of 1552—a year before the succession crisis—the cavalry bands were disbanded to save money and because they had never been
actually needed.[96] In a more practical style than Somerset, John Dudley strove to alleviate the social situation.[97] The 1547 "Act for
the Punishment of Vagabonds", which had enacted that any unemployed man found loitering was to be branded and given to the
"presentor" as a slave,[49] was abolished as too harsh in 1550.[98] In 1552 Northumberland pushed a novel Poor Law through
parliament which provided for weekly parish-based collections for the "relief of the poor".[99] Parishes were to register their needy
inhabitants as well as the amounts people agreed to give for them, while unwilling contributors were to be "induced" by the parson
and, if need be, by the bishop.[99] The years 1549–1551 saw poor harvests and, accordingly, soaring food prices. Dudley tried to
intervene against the "insatiable greediness" of middlemen by searches for hidden corn and by fixing maximum prices for grain, meat,
and other victuals.[100] However, the set prices were so unrealisitic that farmers stopped to sell their produce at the open market and
the regulations had to be rescinded.[101] The regime's agrarian policy, while giving landlords much freedom to enclose common land,
also distinguished between different forms of enclosure. Landlords guilty of illegal enclosures were increasingly prosecuted.[102] The
financial legacy of the Protectorate consisted, apart from crippling Crown debts, of an unprecedentedly debased coinage.[103] On the
second day as Lord President of the Council, Dudley began a process to tackle the problems of the mint; his declared aim was "to
have his majesty out of debt".[104] He set to work with Walter Mildmay and Sir William Herbert, cracking down on peculation by the
officers of the mint and other institutions.[105] In 1551 they at the same time tried to yield profit and restore confidence in the coin by
issuing yet further debased coinage and "crying it down" immediately afterwards.[106] The result was panic and confusion and, to get
hold of the situation, a coin of 92.3% silver content (against 25% silver content in the last debasement) was issued within months.[49]
The bad coin prevailed over the good, however, because people had lost confidence.[107] Northumberland admitted to his colleagues
that he found finance a puzzling and disagreeable thing, and told Lord Treasurer Winchester to find other experts to deal with it.
Thomas Gresham's services were called upon.[108] After the first good harvest in four years, by late 1552 the currency was stable,
prices for foodstuffs had dropped, and a basis for economic recovery had been laid. Tax collection practices were in the course of
centralization and foreign debt had been eliminated.[109]
Religious policy The use of the Book of Common Prayer became law in 1549. King Edward's half-sister, Mary Tudor, had special
licence to privately hear mass. So soon as he was in power, Dudley put pressure on her to stop the misuse of her privilege, as she
allowed flocks of Catholic worshippers who had nothing to do with her household to attend.[110] Mary, who in her turn never tolerated
the Book of Common Prayer in any of her residences, was not prepared to make any concessions. She planned to flee the country but
then could not make up her mind in the last minute.[111] Utterly disregarding Edward's growing personal interest in the issue, Mary fell
into "an almost hysterical fear and hatred" of John Dudley.[111] After a meeting with King and Council, in which she was told that the
crux of the matter was not the nature of her faith but her disobedience to the law, she sent the Imperial ambassador de Scheyfye to
threaten war on England.[112] The English government could not swallow a war threat from an ambassador who had overstepped his
commission, but at the same time would not risk all-important commercial ties with the Habsburg Netherlands, so an embassy was
sent to Brussels and some of Mary's household officers were arrested.[113] On his next visit to the Council de Scheyfye was informed
by the Earl of Warwick that the King of England had as much authority at 14 as he had at 40—Dudley was alluding to Mary's refusal
to accept Edward's demands on grounds of his young age.[114] In the end a silent compromise came into effect: Mary continued her
mass in a more private manner, while augmenting her landed property by exchanges with the Crown.[115] Appealing to the King's
religious tastes, John Dudley became the chief backer of evangelical Protestants among the clergy, promoting several to bishoprics—
for example John Hooper and John Ponet.[116] The English Reformation went on apace, despite its widespread unpopularity.[117] The
1552 revised edition of the Book of Common Prayer rejected the doctrine of transubstantiation, and the Forty-two Articles, issued in
June 1553, proclaimed justification by faith and denied the existence of purgatory. Despite these being cherished projects of
Archbishop Thomas Cranmer,[49] he was displeased with the way the government handled their issue.[118] By 1552 the relationship
between the primate and the Duke was icy. To prevent the Church from becoming independent of the state, Dudley was against
Cranmer's reform of canon law.[119] He recruited the Scot John Knox so that he should, in Northumberland's words, "be a whetstone to
quicken and sharp the Bishop of Canterbury, whereof he hath need".[120] Knox refused to collaborate, but joined fellow reformers in a
concerted preaching campaign against covetous men in high places.[120] Cranmer's canon law was finally wrecked by
Northumberland's furious intervention during the spring parliament of 1553.[121] On a personal level, though, the Duke was happy to
help produce a schoolchildren's cathechism in Latin and English.[122] In June 1553 he backed the Privy Council's invitation of Philip
Melanchthon to become Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge University. But for the King's death, Melanchthon would have
come to England—his high travel costs had already been granted by Edward's government.[123] At the heart of Northumberland's
problems with the episcopate lay the issue of the Church's wealth, from the confiscation of which the government and its officials had
profited ever since the Dissolution of the Monasteries. The most radical preachers thought that bishops, if needed at all, should be
"unlorded".[124] This attitude was attractive to Dudley, as it conveniently allowed him to fill up the Exchequer or distribute rewards
with Church property.[124] When new bishops were appointed—typically to the sees of deprived conservative incumbents—they often
had to surrender substantial land holdings to the Crown and were left with a much reduced income.[125] The dire situation of the
Crown finances made the Council resort to a further wave of Church expropriation in 1552–1553, targeting chantry lands and Church
plate.[126] At the time and since, the break-up and reorganization of the prince bishopric of Durham has been interpreted as Dudley's
attempt to create himself a county palatine of his own. However, as it turned out, Durham's entire revenue was allotted to the two
successor bishoprics and the nearby border garrison of Norham Castle. Dudley received the stewardship of the new "King's County
Palatine" in the North (worth ₤50 p.a.), but there was no further gain for him.[127] Overall, Northumberland's provisions for
reorganized dioceses reveal a concern in him that "the preaching of the gospel" should not lack funds.[128] Still, the confiscation of
Church property as well as the lay government's direction of Church affairs made the Duke disliked among clerics, whether Reformed
or conservative.[129] His relations with them were never worse than when the crisis of Edward's final illness approached.[130]
Peace policy The war policy 1547–1549 had entailed an extraordinary expenditure of about ₤350,000 p.a. against a regular Crown
income of ₤150,000 p.a.[131] It was impossible to continue in this way,[132] and Dudley quickly negotiated a withdrawal of the besieged
English garrison at Boulogne. The high costs of the garrison could thus be saved and French payments of redemption of roughly
₤180,000 were a most welcome cash income.[133] The peace with France was concluded in the Treaty of Boulogne in March 1550.
There was both public rejoicing and anger at the time, and some historians have condemned the peace as a shameful surrender of
English-held territory.[134] A year later it was agreed that King Edward was to have a French bride, the six-year-old Elisabeth of
Valois. The threat of war with Scotland was also neutralized, England giving up some isolated garrisons in exchange.[135] In the peace
treaty with Scotland of June 1551, a joint commission, one of the first of its kind in history, was installed to agree upon the exact
boundary between the two countries. This matter was concluded in August 1552 by French arbitration.[136] Despite the cessation of
hostilities, English defences were kept on a high level: nearly ₤200,000 p.a. were spent on the navy and the garrisons at Calais and on
the Scottish border.[137] In his capacity as Warden-General of the Scottish Marches, Northumberland arranged for the building of a
new Italianate fortress at Berwick-upon-Tweed.[138] The war between France and the Emperor broke out once again in September
1551. In due course Northumberland rejected requests for English help from both sides, which in the case of the Empire consisted of a
demand for full-scale war based on an Anglo-Imperial treaty of 1542.[139] The Duke pursued a policy of neutrality, a balancing act that
made peace between the two great powers attractive.[140] In late 1552 he undertook to bring about a European peace by English
mediation. These moves were taken seriously by the rival resident ambassadors, but were ended in June 1553 by the belligerents, the
continuance of war being more advantageous to them.[141]
Overseas interest John Dudley recovered the post of Lord Admiral immediately after the Protector's fall in October 1549,[142]
Thomas Seymour having been executed by his brother in March 1549.[143] Dudley passed on the office to Edward Lord Clinton in
May 1550, yet never lost his keen interest in maritime affairs.[144] Henry VIII had revolutionized the English navy, mainly in military
terms.[145] Dudley encouraged English voyages to far-off coasts, ignoring Spanish threats.[146] He even contemplated a raid on Peru
with Sebastian Cabot in 1551.[147] Expeditions to Morocco and the Guinea coast in 1551 and 1552 were actually realized. A planned
voyage to China via the Northeast passage under Hugh Willoughby sailed in May 1553—King Edward watched their departure from
his window.[148] Northumberland was at the centre of a "maritime revolution", a policy in which, increasingly, the English Crown
sponsored long-distance trade directly.[149]
1553
Changing the succession The 15-year-old King fell seriously ill in February 1553. As a result Princess Mary was invited to visit him,
and the Council did "duty and obeisance to her as if she had been Queen of England".[150] The King recovered somewhat,[151] and in
April Northumberland restored Mary's full title and arms as Princess of England, which she had lost in the 1530s. Thus her status as
"second person in the kingdom" was underlined.[152] Northumberland also kept Mary informed about Edward's condition.[153] About
this time a set of drawn-out marriage negotiations came to conclusion. On 21 May 1553 Guildford Dudley, Northumberland's second
youngest son, was matched with Lady Jane Grey, the fervently Protestant daughter of the Duke of Suffolk and, through her mother
Frances Brandon, a grandniece of Henry VIII. Her sister, Catherine, married the heir of the Earl of Pembroke, and another Katherine,
Guildford's younger sister, was promised to Henry Hastings, heir of the Earl of Huntingdon.[154] Within a month the first of these
marriages turned out to be highly significant. Although marked by magnificent festivities, at the time they took place the alliances
were not seen as politically important, not even by the Imperial ambassador Jehan de Scheyfye, who was the most suspicious
observer.[155] Often perceived as proof of a conspiracy to bring the Dudley family to the throne,[156] they have also been described as
routine matches between aristocrats.[157] At some point during his illness Edward wrote a draft document headed "My devise for the
Succession".[159] Due to his ardent Protestantism Edward did not want his Catholic sister Mary to succeed, but he was also
preoccupied with male succession and with legitimacy, which in Mary's and Elizabeth's case was questionable as a result of Henry
VIII's legislation.[160][note 2] In the first version of his "devise", written before he knew he was mortally ill, Edward bypassed his halfsisters and provided for the succession of male heirs only.[163][note 3] Around the end of May or early June Edward's condition worsened
dramatically and he corrected his draft such that Lady Jane Grey herself, not just her putative sons, could inherit the Crown.[165] To
what extent Edward's document—especially this last change—was influenced by Northumberland, his confidant John Gates, or still
other members of the Privy Chamber like Edward's tutor John Cheke or Secretary William Petre, is unclear.[166] Edward fully endorsed
it.[167] He personally supervised the copying of his will and twice summoned lawyers to his bedside to give them orders. On the
second occasion, 15 June, Northumberland kept a watchful eye over the proceedings.[168] Days before, the Duke had intimidated the
judges who were raising legal objections to the "devise": In full Council he had lost his temper, "being in a great rage and fury,
trembling for anger" and saying "that he would fight in his shirt with any man in that quarrel".[169] So Judge Montague remembered in
his petition to Queen Mary; he also recalled that, in Edward's chamber, the Lords of the Council declared it would be open treason to
disobey their sovereign's explicit command.[170] The next step was an engagement to perform the King's will after his death, signed in
his presence by Northumberland and 23 others.[171] Finally, the King's official "declaration", issued as letters patent, was signed by
102 notables, among them the whole Privy Council, peers, bishops, judges, and London aldermen.[172] Edward also announced to have
it passed in parliament in September, and the necessary writs were prepared.[173] It was now common knowledge that Edward was
dying. The Imperial ambassador, Jehan de Scheyfye, had been convinced for years that Dudley was engaged in some "mighty plot" to
settle the Crown on his own head.[174] As late as 12 June, though, he still knew nothing specific, despite having inside information
about Edward's sickness.[155] Instead he had recently reported that Northumberland would divorce his wife so as to marry Princess
Elizabeth.[175] France, which found the prospect of the Emperor's cousin on the English throne disagreeable, gave indications of
support to Northumberland.[176] Since the Duke did not rule out an armed intervention from Charles V, he came back on the French
offer after the King's death, sending a secret and non-committal mission to King Henry II.[177] After Jane's accession in July the
ambassadors of both powers were convinced she would prevail, although they were in no doubt that the common people backed
Mary.[178] Antoine de Noailles wrote of Guildford Dudley as "the new King", while the Emperor instructed his envoys to arrange
themselves with the Duke and to discourage Mary from undertaking anything dangerous.[179] Whether altering the succession was
Edward's own idea or not, he was determinedly at work to exclude his half-sisters in favour of what he perceived as his jeopardized
legacy.[180] The original provisions of the "devise" have been described as bizarre and obsessive and as typical of a teenager, while
incompatible with the mind and needs of a pragmatical politician.[181] Mary's accession could cost Northumberland his head, but not
necessarily so.[182] He tried hard to please her during 1553, and may have shared the general assumption that she would succeed to the
Crown as late as early June.[183] At a meeting with the French ambassadors he asked them out of the blue what they would do in his
place.[184] Faced with Edward's express royal will and perseverance, John Dudley submitted to his master's wishes—either seeing his
chance to retain his power beyond the boy's lifetime or out of loyalty.[185]
Downfall Edward VI died on 6 July 1553. Northumberland—who had called in the services of his own physician, as well as a female
conjurer and an Oxford professor—had been in constant attendance.[187] The next morning he sent his son Robert into Hertfordshire
with 300 men to capture Mary Tudor.[188] Aware of her half-brother's condition, the Princess had moved to East Anglia, where she
was the greatest landowner.[189] She began to assemble an armed following and sent a letter to the Council, demanding to be
recognized as queen. It arrived on 10 July, the day that Jane Grey was proclaimed as queen.[190] The Duke of Northumberland's
detailed oration, held kneeling before Jane the previous day, did not move her to accept the Crown—her parents' assistance was
required for that.[191] Dudley had not prepared for resolute action on Mary's part and needed a week to build up a larger force.[192] He
was in a dilemma over who should lead the troops. He was the most experienced general in the kingdom, but he did not want to leave
the government in the hands of his colleagues, in some of whom he had little confidence.[193] Queen Jane decided the issue by
demanding that her father, the Duke of Suffolk, should remain with her and the Council.[194] On 14 July Northumberland headed for
Cambridge with 1,500 troops and some artillery, having reminded his colleagues of the gravity of the cause, "what chance of variance
soever might grow amongst you in my absence".[193] Mary's military camp was gathering strength and, through luck, came into
possession of powerful artillery from the royal navy.[195] In the circumstances the Duke deemed fighting a campaign hopeless. The
army passed a tranquil week proceeding from Cambridge to Bury St Edmunds and retreating again to Cambridge.[196] On 20 July a
letter from the Council in London arrived, declaring that they had proclaimed Queen Mary and commanding Northumberland to
disband the army and await events. Dudley did not contemplate resistance.[197][note 4] He explained to his fellow-commanders that they
had acted on the Council's orders all the time and that he did not now wish "to combat the Council's decisions, supposing that they
have been moved by good reasons ... and I beg your lordships to do the same."[200] Proclaiming Mary Tudor at the market place, he
threw up his cap and "so laughed that the tears ran down his cheeks for grief."[201] The next morning the Earl of Arundel arrived to
arrest him. A week earlier Arundel had assured Northumberland of his wish to spill his blood even at the Duke's feet; now Dudley
went down on his knees as soon as he caught sight of him.[202] Northumberland rode through the City of London to the Tower on
25 July, with his guards struggling to protect him against the hostile populace.[203] A pamphlet, published a week after his arrest,
illustrated the general hatred of him: "the great devil Dudley ruleth, Duke I should have said".[204] He was now commonly thought to
have poisoned King Edward while Mary "would have been as glad of her brother's life, as the ragged bear is glad of his death".[205]
Dumbfounded by the turn of events, the French ambassador Noailles wrote: "I have witnessed the most sudden change believable in
men, and I believe that God alone worked it."[206] David Loades, biographer of both Queen Mary and John Dudley, concludes that the
lack of fighting clouds the fact that this outcome was a close-run affair, and warns to explain Mary's triumph over Jane simply in
terms of overwhelming spontaneous support. Northumberland ... was completely unprepared for the crisis which eventually overtook
him. He was already losing his grip upon the situation before the council defected, and that was why they did it.[207]
Trial and execution Northumberland was tried on 18 August 1553 in Westminster Hall. The panels of the jury and judges were
largely made up of his former colleagues. Dudley hinted that he had acted on the authority of Prince and Council and by warrant of
the Great Seal. Answered that the Great Seal of a usurper was worth nothing, he asked "whether any such persons as were equally
culpable of that crime ... might be his judges".[208] After sentence was passed, he begged the Queen's mercy for his five sons, the eldest
of whom was condemned with him, the rest waiting for their trials.[209][note 5] He also asked to "confess to a learned divine" and was
visited by Bishop Stephen Gardiner, who had passed most of Edward's reign in the Tower and was now Mary's Lord Chancellor.[211]
The Duke's execution was planned for 21 August at eight in the morning; however, it was suddenly cancelled.[212] Northumberland
was instead escorted to St Peter ad Vincula, where he took the Catholic communion and professed that "the plagues that is upon the
realm and upon us now is that we have erred from the faith these sixteen years."[213] A great propaganda coup for the new government,
Dudley's words were officially distributed—especially in the territories of the Emperor Charles V.[214] In the evening the Duke learnt
"that I must prepare myself against tomorrow to receive my deadly stroke",[215] as he wrote in a desperate plea to the Earl of Arundel:
"O my good lord remember how sweet life is and how bitter ye contrary."[215] On the scaffold, before 10,000 people,[216] Dudley
confessed his guilt but maintained:[217] And yet this act wherefore I die, was not altogether of me (as it is thought) but I was procured
and induced thereunto by other[s]. I was I say induced thereunto by other[s], howbeit, God forbid that I should name any man unto
you, I will name no man unto you, and therefore I beseech you look not for it. ... And one thing more good people I have to say unto
you ... and that is to warn you and exhort you to beware of these seditious preachers, and teachers of new doctrine, which pretend to
preach God's word, but in very deed they preach their own fancies, ... they know not today what they would have tomorrow, ... they
open the book, but they cannot shut it again. ... I could good people rehearse much more ... but you know I have another thing to do,
whereunto I must prepare me, for the time draweth away. ... And after he had thus spoken he kneeled down ... and bowing toward the
block he said, I have deserved a thousand deaths, and thereupon he made a cross upon the straw, and kissed it, and laid his head upon
the block, and so died.[218]
Assessments
Historical reputation A black legend about the Duke of Northumberland was already in the making when he was still in power, the
more after his fall.[219] From the last days of Henry VIII he was to have planned, years in advance, the destruction of both King
Edward's Seymour uncles—Lord Thomas and the Protector—as well as Edward himself.[220] He also served as an indispensable
scapegoat: It was the most practical thing for Queen Mary to believe that Dudley had been acting all alone and it was in nobody's
interest to doubt it.[221] Further questions were unwelcome, as Charles V's ambassadors found out: "it was thought best not to inquire
too closely into what had happened, so as to make no discoveries that might prejudice those [who tried the duke]".[222] By renouncing
the Protestantism he had so conspicuously stood for, Northumberland lost every respect and became ineligible for rehabilitation in a
world dominated by thinking along sectarian lines.[223] Protestant writers like John Foxe and John Ponet concentrated on the pious
King Edward's achievements and reinvented Somerset as the "good Duke"—it followed that there had also to be a "wicked Duke".[224]
This interpretation was enhanced by the High and Late Victorian historians, James Anthony Froude and A. F. Pollard, who saw
Somerset as a champion of political liberty whose desire "to do good"[225] was thwarted by, in Pollard's phrase, "the subtlest intriguer
in English History".[49] As late as 1968/1970, W.K. Jordan embraced this good duke/bad duke dichotomy in a two-volume study of
Edward VI's reign.[226] However, he saw the King on the verge of assuming full authority at the beginning of 1553 (with Dudley
contemplating retirement) and ascribed the succession alteration to Edward's resolution, Northumberland playing the part of the loyal
and tragic enforcer instead of the original instigator.[227] Many historians have since seen the "devise" as Edward's very own
project.[note 6] Others, while remarking upon the plan's sloppy implementation,[236] have seen Northumberland as behind the scheme,
yet in concord with Edward's convictions; the Duke acting out of despair for his own survival,[49] or to rescue political and religious
reform and save England from Habsburg domination.[237] Since the 1970s, critical reassessments of the Duke of Somerset's policies
and government style led to acknowledgment that Northumberland revitalized and reformed the Privy Council as a central part of the
administration,[238] and that he "took the necessary but unpopular steps to hold the minority regime together".[239] Stability and
reconstruction have been made out as the mark of most of his policies;[240] the scale of his motivation ranging from "determined
ambition"[241] with Geoffrey Rudolph Elton in 1977 to "idealism of a sort" with Diarmaid MacCulloch in 1999.[242] Dale Hoak
concluded in 1980: "given the circumstances which he inherited in 1549, the duke of Northumberland appears to have been one of the
most remarkably able governors of any European state during the sixteenth century."[243]
Personality John Dudley's recantation of his Protestant faith before his execution delighted Queen Mary and enraged Lady Jane
Grey.[213] The general opinion, especially among Protestants, was that he tried to seek a pardon by this move.[244] Historians have often
believed that he had no faith whatsoever, being a mere cynic.[245] Further explanations—both contemporary and modern—have been
that Northumberland sought to rescue his family from the axe,[246] that, in the face of catastrophe, he found a spiritual home in the
church of his childhood,[247] or that he saw the hand of God in Mary's success.[248] Although he endorsed the Reformation from at least
the mid-1530s,[9] Dudley may not have understood theological subtleties, being a "simple man in such matters".[213] The Duke was
stung by an outspoken letter he received from John Knox, whom he had invited to preach before the King and in vain had offered a
bishopric. William Cecil was informed:[249] I love not to have to do with men which be neither grateful nor pleasable. I assure you I
mind to have no more to do with him but to wish him well ... he cannot tell whether I be a dissembler in religion or not ... for my own
part, if I should have passed more upon the speech of the people than upon the service of my master ... I needed not to have had so
much obloquy of some kind of men; but the living God, that knoweth the hearts of all men, shall be my judge at the last day with what
zeal, faith, and truth I serve my master.[250] Northumberland was not an old-style peer, despite his aristocratic ancestry and existence as
a great lord.[251] He acquired, sold, and exchanged lands, but never strove to build himself a territorial power base or a large armed
force of retainers (which proved fatal in the end).[252] His maximum income of ₤4,300 p.a. from land and a ₤2,000 p.a. from annuities
and fees, was appropriate to his rank and figured well below the annuity of ₤5,333 p.a. the Duke of Somerset had granted himself,
reaching an income of over ₤10,000 p.a. while in office.[253] John Dudley was a typical Tudor Crown servant, self-interested but
absolutely loyal to the incumbent sovereign: The monarch's every wish was law.[254] This uncritical stance may have played a decisive
role in Northumberland's decision to implement Edward's succession device, as it did in his attitude towards Mary when she had
become Queen.[255] The fear his services could be inadequate or go unacknowledged by the monarch was constant in Dudley,[256] who
also was very sensitive on what he called "estimation", meaning status.[257] Edmund Dudley was unforgotten: "my poor father's fate
who, after his master was gone, suffered death for doing his master's commandments", the Duke wrote to Cecil nine months before his
own end.[258] John Dudley was an imposing figure, capable of terrifying outbursts of temper as well as of shedding tears.[259] He also
charmed people with his courtesy and a graceful presence,[260] but made few friends. He was a family man, an understanding father
and husband,[261] who was passionately loved by his wife.[262] Frequent phases of illness, partly due to a stomach ailment, occasioned
long absences from court but did not reduce his high output of paperwork, and may have had an element of hypochondria in them.[263]
The English diplomat Richard Morrison, in 1551, wrote of his superior: "This Earl had such a head that he seldom went about
anything but he had three or four purposes beforehand."[264] A French eyewitness of 1553 described him as "an intelligent man who
could explain his ideas and who displayed an impressive dignity. Others, who did not know him, would have considered him worthy
of a kingdom."[39] The Venetian ambassador's assessment after Dudley's execution was: "the friends of England must lament the loss
of all his qualities with that single exception (his last rashness)".[265]
Ancestry
ncestors of John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland
16. Sir John de Sutton of Dudley Castle
8. John Sutton, 1st Baron Dudley
17. Constance Blount
4. Sir John Dudley of Atherington
18. Sir John Berkeley of Beverstone
9. Elizabeth de Berkeley
2. Edmund Dudley
10. Sir John Bramshott of Bramshott
5. Elizabeth Bramshott
22. Sir John Pelham
11. Catherine Pelham
1. John Dudley
24. Reginald Grey, 3rd Baron Grey de Ruthyn
12. Edward Grey, 6th Baron Ferrers of Groby
25. Joan of Astley, Baroness Astley
6. Edward Grey, 1st Viscount Lisle
13. Elizabeth Ferrers, 6th Baroness Ferrers of
Groby
3. Elizabeth Grey, 6th Baroness
Lisle
28. John Talbot, 1st Earl of Shrewsbury
14. John Talbot, 1st Viscount Lisle
29. Margaret Beauchamp
7. Elizabeth Talbot, 3rd Baroness Lisle
30. Sir Thomas Cheddar
15. Joan Cheddar
Notes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
^ Claims that he was the grandson of a carpenter notwithstanding, John Dudley was of noble ancestry.
His paternal great grandfather was John Sutton, 1st Baron Dudley. On his mother's side he descended from the
Hundred Years War heroes, Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick and John Talbot, 1st Earl of Shrewsbury. He
accordingly assumed the bear and the ragged staff, the arms of the medieval Earls of Warwick.[36]
^ Henry VIII, in his Third Succession Act of 1544 and in his will, nominated his daughters Mary and
Elizabeth as successors to the Crown, "upon condition" that they did not marry without the consent of the Privy
Council.[161] In the same 1544 act his daughters were still, as in earlier legislation, declared illegitimate and
unable to inherit by common law.[162]
^ If there were no male heirs at the time of his death, England should have no king until the birth of a
male royal child; a detailed system of female regency provisions was to apply in this case. Edward also
distinguished between different types of minority rule and envisaged the possibility of having adult sons to
succeed him.[164]
^ It was said that "his men forsook him", as the London chronicler Henry Machyn put it.[198] Such
rumours and claims were largely exagerrated, though.[199] The bulk of the troops he had brought from London
were with the Duke until the end and, in the words of David Loades, "he could have made a considerable
nuisance of himself if he had chosen."[198]
^ John, Ambrose, Robert, Henry, and Guildford Dudley were all condemned to death, as was Sir Andrew
Dudley, Northumberland's brother. Only Guildford was executed, in February 1554, with his wife Lady Jane
Grey. The only other people who died were Sir John Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer, on the same day as the
Duke.[210]
^ For example: Stephen Alford,[228] Matthew Christmas,[80] Dale Hoak,[173] Eric Ives,[229] David
[230]
Loades,
Diarmaid MacCulloch,[231] Judith Richards,[232] Chris Skidmore,[233] David Starkey,[234] Derek
[235]
Wilson.
Citations
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
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17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
^ a b c d Loades 2008
^ Loades 2008; Adams 2002 pp. 312–313
^ Loades 1996 pp. 7–11
^ a b Loades 1996 p. 18
^ Loades 1996 p. 20
^ Loades 1996 pp. 20–22, 24–25
^ Loades 1996 p. 22
^ a b c Ives 2009 p. 99
^ a b MacCulloch 2001 pp. 52–53; Ives 2009 pp. 114–115
^ Wilson 1981 pp. 11, 15–16; French 2002 p. 33
^ Loades 1996 pp. 30–32; Beer 1973 p. 8
^ Loades 1996 pp. 27–28
^ Loades 1996 p. 28
^ Beer 1973 pp. 8–9
^ Loades 1996 p. 36
^ Loades 1996 pp. 31, 33–34
^ Loades 1996 pp. 34–36, viii; Wilson 1981 p. 20
^ Loades 1996 p. 48
^ Ives 2009 p. 103
^ Ives 2009 pp. 100–101
^ a b Wilson 1981 p. 22
^ Ives 2009 p. 101
^ Loades 1996 pp. 71, 85
^ Beer 1973 p. 32; Loades 1996 pp. 69–71
^ Loades 1996 pp. 77
^ Beer 1973 p. 36; Loades 1996 pp. 78–80; Ives 2009 p. 103
^ Wilson 1981 p. 22; Beer 1973 p. 36
^ Loades 1996 p. 79
^ Hutchinson 2006 p. 181; Loades 1996 pp. 81–82
^ Loades 1996 pp. 82–85; MacCulloch 2001 pp. 7–8
^ Rathbone 2002; Loades 1996 pp. 82–85
^ Beer 1973 p. 41
^ Hutchinson 2006 p. 213
^ Alford 2002 pp. 29, 69–70
^ Loades 1996 pp. 88–90
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
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55.
56.
57.
58.
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61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
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68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
^ Wilson 1981 pp. 1, 3; Adams 2002 pp. 312–313
^ Beer 1973 pp. 58–60; Loades 2008
^ Loades 1996 p. 100
^ a b Ives 2009 p. 104
^ Merriman 2000 p. 353
^ Dawson 1993 p. 244
^ Loades 1996 p. 107
^ Loades 1996 pp. 107–108; Loades 2004 pp. 44–45; Loades 2008
^ Loades 1996 p. 118
^ Ives 2009 p. 102
^ Loades 1996 p. 127
^ Chapman 1962 p. 63
^ a b MacCulloch 2001 pp. 50–51
^ a b c d e f Rathbone 2002
^ Alford 2002 pp. 71–72
^ Loades 2004 p. 47
^ Loades 2004 pp. 47–48
^ Beer 1973 p. 88; Loades 2004 p. 48
^ Loades 2004 pp. 48–50; MacCulloch 2001 p. 51
^ Loades 2004 p. 50
^ Loades 2004 pp. 84–85
^ Loades 2004 pp. 84–85; Hoak 1980 pp. 36–37
^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 95; Hoak 1980 p. 36
^ Loades 1996 pp. 144–145
^ Hoak 1980 pp. 36–39; Loades 2004 p. 88
^ Loades 2004 pp. 87–88, 104
^ Ives 2009 p. 111
^ Hoak 1980 p. 39; Loades 1996 p. 186
^ Hoak 1980 p. 48; Loades 2004 p. 110
^ Loades 1996 pp. 168–169
^ Alford 2002 p. 170
^ Loades 2004 pp. 108–109
^ Loades 1996 p. 182; Hoak 1980 p. 46
^ Loades 1996 pp. 180–181
^ Loades 1996 pp. 183, 184, 188
^ Loades 2004 pp. 110–111
^ Ives 2009 p. 109; Loades 1996 pp. 189, 190
^ Hoak 1980 p. 203; Loades 2004 p. 110
^ Loades 2004 p. 88; MacCulloch 2001 p. 55
^ Erickson 1995 p. 252
^ Loades 1996 p. 149
^ Hoak 1980 p. 38
^ Hoak 1980 p. 44
^ a b Christmas 1997
^ Alford 2002 p. 140
^ Hoak 1980 p. 40; Alford 2002 pp. 139–141
^ Loades 2004 p. 88; Loades 1996 pp. 201–203
^ Loades 2004 p. 88; Loades 1996 pp. 173, 193
^ Loades 1996 p. 193
^ Alford 2002 pp. 163–166, 168
^ Beer 1973 pp. 124–125; Loades 2004 p. 89; MacCulloch 2001 p. 53
^ Ives 2009 p. 133
^ Loades 1996 p. 234
^ Alford 2002 pp. 142, 148; Loades 1996 p. 202
^ Alford 2002 p. 159
^ a b Hoak 1980 pp. 29–30
^ Loades 1996 p. 145
^ Ives 2009 pp. 111–112, 308; Loades 2008
^ Loades 2004 p. 98; Loades 2008
^ Loades 1996 p. 252; Hoak 1980 p. 42
^ Hoak 1980 p. 30; Rathbone 2002
^ Williams 1998 p. 67
^ a b Slack 1980 p. 103; Guy 1990 p. 221
^ Slack 1980 pp. 105–106
^ Williams 1998 p. 68
^ Loades 1996 p. 150; Rathbone 2002
^ Loades 1996 pp. 169–170; Hoak 1980 p. 30
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
111.
112.
113.
114.
115.
116.
117.
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
143.
144.
145.
146.
147.
148.
149.
150.
151.
152.
153.
154.
155.
156.
157.
^ Ives 2009 p. 132
^ Loades 1996 pp. 162, 227–229
^ Loades 1996 pp. 170–171
^ Loades 1996 p. 171
^ Loades 1996 pp. 211–213
^ Ives 2009 p. 7; Loades 1996 pp. 172, 248; Hoak 1980 p. 42
^ Loades 1996 pp. 158–159; Ives 2009 p. 88
^ a b Loades 1996 pp. 158–159
^ Starkey 2001 p. 105
^ Loades 2004 p. 101
^ Loades 2004 p. 102; Ives 2009 p. 92
^ Ives 2009 p. 93; Richards 2007
^ Loades 2004 p. 76; Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 4–5
^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 56; Loades 2008
^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 101; Loades 1996 p. 254
^ Ives 2009 pp. 115–116
^ a b Ives 2009 p. 116
^ MacCulloch 2001 pp. 101–102; Loades 1996 pp. 218–219
^ Alford 2002 p. 139
^ a b Loades 1996 p. 176
^ Loades 1996 pp. 176–177; Heal 1980 pp. 141–142
^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 154; Loades 1996 p. 255
^ Loades 1996 pp. 198, 302
^ Heal 1980 pp. 145–146; 149
^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 55; Heal 1980 p. 147
^ Loades 1996 pp. 254–255
^ Loades 1996 p. 170
^ Loades 1996 pp. 169–170
^ Loades 1996 pp. 169–170; Loades 2008
^ Loades 1996 pp. 154–155; MacCulloch 2001 p. 55
^ Loades 1996 p. 166
^ Merriman 2000 p. 377
^ Loades 1996 p. 209
^ Merriman 2000 pp. 373–376; Loades 1996 p. 221
^ Loades 1996 pp. 203–206
^ Loades 1996 pp. 203, 241–242
^ Loades 1996 pp. 203, 241–244
^ Wilson 1981 p. 41
^ Alford 2002 p. 97
^ Loades 1996 p. 210
^ Loades 1996 p. 244
^ Loades 1996 p. 245
^ Beer 1973 p. 193
^ Loades 1996 pp. 245–247, 238
^ Loades 1996 p. 247
^ Ives 2009 p. 11; Loades 1996 p. 237
^ Loades 1996 pp. 237–238
^ Ives 2009 p. 94
^ Loades 1996 p. 237
^ Loades 1996 pp. 238–239; Adams 1995 p. 44
^ a b Loades 1996 p. 239
^ Ives 2009 p. 152
^ Loades 1996 pp. 238–239; Loades 2004 p. 121; Ives 2009 pp. 152–154; Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 10–11;
Wilson 2005 pp. 214–215; Christmas 1997
158.
^ Alford 2002 pp. 171–172
159.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 137–139; Loades 2004 p. 68
160.
^ Loades 2003 pp. 79–80; Starkey 2001 pp. 111–113; Loades 1996 p. 232; Ives 2009 pp. 142–143; Hoak 2008
^ Hutchinson 2006 p. 212
161.
162.
^ Ives 2009 p. 143
163.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 139–140; Starkey 2001 p. 113
164.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 137–139; Alford 2002 pp. 172–173
165.
^ Ives 2009 p. 145; Loades 1996 p. 239
166.
^ Loades 2004 p. 121; Ives 2009 p. 150; Alford 2002 p. 172; Hoak 2008
167.
^ Alford 2002 p. 172; Loades 2004 p. 122; Hoak 2008
168.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 145, 148; Loades 1996 p. 241
169.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 105, 148
170.
^ Loades 1996 p. 241
171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.
180.
181.
182.
183.
184.
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
193.
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195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
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204.
205.
206.
207.
208.
209.
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211.
212.
213.
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215.
216.
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218.
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220.
221.
222.
223.
224.
225.
226.
227.
228.
229.
230.
231.
232.
233.
234.
235.
236.
237.
238.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 160–161; Alford 2002 p. 172
^ Ives 2009 pp. 165–166; Hoak 1980 p. 49
^ a b Hoak 2008
^ Loades 1996 p. 240; Ives 2009 p. 151
^ Loades 2003 p. 79
^ Loades 1996 pp. 254–255
^ Loades 1996 pp. 262–263
^ Loades 1996 pp. 256–257
^ Chapman 1962 p. 121
^ MacCulloch 2001 pp. 39–41; Starkey 2001 pp. 112–114; Alford 2002 pp. 171–172; Jordan 1970 pp. 515–516
^ Ives 2009 p. 141; MacCulloch 2001 p. 41; Loades 1996 p. 233; Hoak 2008; Wilson 2005 p. 216
^ Starkey 2001 p. 111; Beer 1973 pp. 147–148; Loades 1996 pp. 238
^ Starkey 2001 p. 110; Loades 1996 pp. 240–241; Jordan 1970 pp. 511, 517
^ Skidmore 2007 p. 253
^ Loades 1996 p. 241; Loades 2008; Jordan 1970 pp. 531–532
^ Ives 2009 p. 216
^ Beer 1973 pp. 150, 155
^ Ives 2009 pp. 202, 325
^ Loades 1996 pp. 257–258
^ Loades 1996 pp. 258–259
^ Chapman 1962 pp. 104–106
^ Loades 1996 pp. 258–261
^ a b Loades 1996 p. 261
^ Ives 2009 p. 198
^ Ives 2009 pp. 209–210
^ Ives 2009 pp. 209–212, 246
^ Loades 2004 p. 127; Ives 2009 p. 241–242
^ a b Loades 2004 p. 127
^ Ives 2009 pp. 203–205; Loades 2004 p. 127
^ Chapman 1962 p. 149; Ives 2009 p. 241–242
^ Ives 2009 p. 242
^ Ives 2009 pp. 243–244; Nichols 1850 p. 7
^ Chapman 1962 pp. 150–151
^ Alford 2002 p. 7
^ Alford 2002 p. 8; Loades 1996 p. 257
^ Loades 1996 p. 265
^ Loades 1996 pp. 264–265
^ Ives 2009 pp. 96–97
^ Tytler 1839 pp. 225–226; Ives 2009 p. 96; Loades 1996 pp. 266, 271
^ Loades 1996 pp. 270, 271
^ Loades 1996 pp. 267–268; Ives 2009 p. 184
^ Ives 2009 p. 117
^ a b c Loades 1996 p. 268
^ Ives 2009 p. 119
^ a b Loades 1996 p. 269
^ Chapman 1962 p. 169
^ Loades 1996 p. 270
^ Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 45–47
^ Ives 2009 p. 109; Loades 2008
^ Ives 2009 pp. 107–109
^ Loades 1996 p. 267; Ives 2009 p. 3
^ Ives 2009 p. 154 (square brackets by Ives)
^ Loades 1996 pp. vii–viii; Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 54–55
^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 42; Loades 1996 p. 192; Loades 2008
^ Alford 2002 pp. 20–21
^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 42
^ Loades 1996 p. 192; Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 9–10, 12; Jordan 1970 pp. 531–532
^ Alford 2002 pp. 171–174
^ Ives 2009 pp. 136–142, 145–148
^ Loades 1996 pp. 231–233, 239–241; Loades 2003 pp. 79–80; Loades 2004 pp. 68–69, 121–123; Loades 2008
^ MacCulloch 2001 pp. 39–41
^ Richards 2007
^ Skidmore 2007 pp. 247–250
^ Starkey 2001 pp. 112–114
^ Wilson 2005 pp. 215–221
^ Beer 1973 p. 149; Rathbone 2002
^ Hoak 1980 p. 49; Beer 1973 pp. 148, 164
^ Hoak 1980 p. 50; Loades 1996 p. viii
239.
^ Loades 1996 p. vii
240.
^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 55; Alford 2002 p. 170; Hoak 1980 p. 50
241.
^ Dawson 1993 p. 253
242.
^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 55
243.
^ Hoak 1980 p. 51; Dawson 1993 p. 243
244.
^ Ives 2009 p. 118; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 56
245.
^ Ives 2009 p. 115
246.
^ Adams 2002 p. 133; Ives 2009 p. 118
247.
^ Chapman 1962 p. 166; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 58; Loades 2008
248.
^ Beer 1973 p. 158; Loades 1996 p. 268; Ives p. 309
249.
^ Loades 1996 pp. 196, 198, 199
250.
^ Tytler 1839 p. 148
251.
^ Loades 1996 pp. ix, 285
252.
^ Loades 1996 pp. 285–286, 258
253.
^ Loades 1996 pp. 222–223; 97–98; Hoak 1980 p. 46
254.
^ Loades 1996 pp. 269–270; Hoak 1980 p. 45; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 57
255.
^ Loades 1996 pp. 269–270; Ives 2009 pp. 122–123, 124; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 12
256.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 120–123; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 57
257.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 123–124
258.
^ Ives 2009 p. 122
259.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 104–105; Loades 1996 p. 173; Alford 2002 p. 139
260.
^ Hoak 1980 pp. 44–45
261.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 105–106, 307; Loades 2008
262.
^ Gunn 1999 pp. 1268, 1270–1271
263.
^ Hoak 1980 p. 40; Alford 2002 p. 140; Ives 2009 pp. 124–125
264.
^ Nichols 1857 p. ccxxii; Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 56–57
265.
^ Ives 2009 pp. 26–27
References
• Adams, Simon (ed.) (1995): Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, 1558–1561,
1584–1586 Cambridge University Press ISBN 0521551560
• Adams, Simon (2002): Leicester and the Court: Essays in Elizabethan Politics Manchester University Press ISBN
0719053250
• Alford, Stephen (2002): Kingship and Politics in the Reign of Edward VI Cambridge University Press ISBN 9780521039710
• Beer, B.L. (1973): Northumberland: The Political Career of John Dudley, Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland
The Kent State University Press ISBN 0873381408
• Chapman, Hester (1962): Lady Jane Grey Jonathan Cape OCLC 51384729
• Christmas, Matthew (1997): "Edward VI" History Review Issue 27 March 1997 Retrieved 2010-09-29
• Dawson, Ian (1993): The Tudor Century 1485–1603 Thomas Nelson & Sons ISBN 0174350635
• Erickson, Carolly (1995): Bloody Mary: The Life of Mary Tudor BCA
• French, Peter (2002): John Dee: The World of an Elizabethan Magus Routledge ISBN 978-0744800791
• Gunn, S.J. (1999): "A Letter of Jane, Duchess of Northumberland, 1553" English Historical Review Vol. CXIV No. 460
November 1999 pp. 1267–1271
• Guy, John (1990): Tudor England Oxford Paperbacks ISBN 0192852132
• Heal, Felicity (1980): Of Prelates and Princes: A Study of the Economic and Social Position of the Tudor Episcopate
Cambridge University Press ISBN 9780521087612
• Hoak, Dale (1980): "Rehabilitating the Duke of Northumberland: Politics and Political Control, 1549–53" in Jennifer Loach
and Robert Tittler (eds.): The Mid-Tudor Polity c. 1540–1560 pp. 29–51, 201–203 Macmillan ISBN 0333245288
• Hoak, Dale (2008): "Edward VI (1537–1553)" Oxford Dictionary of National Biography online edn. Jan 2008 (subscription
required) Retrieved 2010-04-04
• Hutchinson, Robert (2006): The Last Days of Henry VIII: Conspiracy, Treason and Heresy at the Court of the dying Tyrant
Phoenix ISBN 0753819368
• Ives, Eric (2009): Lady Jane Grey: A Tudor Mystery Wiley-Blackwell ISBN 9781405194136
• Jordan, W. K. (1970): Edward VI: The Threshold of Power. The Dominance of the Duke of Northumberland George Allen &
Unwin ISBN 0049420836
• Jordan, W.K. and M.R. Gleason (1975): The Saying of John Late Duke of Northumberland Upon the Scaffold, 1553 Harvard
Library LCCN 75-15032
• Loades, David (1996): John Dudley, Duke of Northumberland 1504–1553 Clarendon Press ISBN 0198201931
• Loades, David (2003): Elizabeth I Hambledon Continuum ISBN 1852853042
• Loades, David (2004): Intrigue and Treason: The Tudor Court, 1547–1558 Pearson/Longman ISBN 0582772265
• Loades, David (2008): "Dudley, John, duke of Northumberland (1504–1553)" Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
online edn. Oct 2008 (subscription required) Retrieved 2010-04-04
• MacCulloch, Diarmaid (2001): The Boy King: Edward VI and the Protestant Reformation Palgrave ISBN 0312238304
• Merriman, Marcus (2000): The Rough Wooings: Mary Queen of Scots, 1542–1551 Tuckwell Press ISBN 9781862320901
• Nichols, J.G. (ed.) (1850): The Chronicle of Queen Jane Camden Society
• Nichols, J.G. (ed.) (1857): Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth Vol. I Roxburghe Club
• Rathbone, Mark (2002): "Northumberland" History Review Issue 44 December 2002 Retrieved 2010-09-29
Richards, Judith (2007): "Edward VI and Mary Tudor: Protestant King and Catholic Sister" History Review Issue 59
December 2007 Retrieved 2010-12-23
• Skidmore, Chris (2007): Edward VI: The Lost King of England Weidenfeld & Nicolson ISBN 9780297846499
• Slack, Paul (1980): "Social Policy and the Constraints of Government, 1547–58" in Jennifer Loach and Robert Tittler (eds.):
The Mid-Tudor Polity c. 1540–1560 pp. 94–115 Macmillan ISBN 0333245288
• Starkey, David (2001): Elizabeth: Apprenticeship Vintage ISBN 0099286572
• Tytler, P. F. (1839): England under the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary Vol. II Richard Bentley
• Williams, Penry (1998): The Later Tudors: England 1547–1603 Oxford University Press ISBN 0192880446
• Wilson, Derek (1981): Sweet Robin: A Biography of Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester 1533–1588 Hamish Hamilton ISBN
0241101492
• Wilson, Derek (2005): The Uncrowned Kings of England: The Black History of the Dudleys and the Tudor Throne Carroll &
Graf ISBN 0786714697
External links
• Dudley, John, Duke of Northumberland in Venn, J. & J. A., Alumni Cantabrigienses, Cambridge University Press, 10 vols,
1922–1958.
• The Archaeology of Dudley Castle VIII. Succession of John Dudley and his building the Renaissance Range
Political offices
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Vice-Admiral
1537–1543
?
?
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Lord High Admiral
1543–1547
The Earl of Hertford
The Lord Seymour of Sudeley
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Lord High Admiral
1549–1550
The Lord Seymour of Sudeley
The Lord Clinton
Succeeded by
Lord Great Chamberlain
1547–1550
The Marquess of Northampton
Preceded by
The Duke of Somerset
Succeeded by
Earl Marshal
1551–1553
The Duke of Norfolk
Grand Master of the Household
1550–1553
Preceded by
Succeeded by
The Lord St John
The Earl of Arundel
Lord President of the Council
1550–1553
Succeeded by
Preceded by
Lord Warden of the Scottish Marches
1542–1543
The Earl of Rutland
The Lord Parr
Preceded by
Succeeded by
President of the Council in the Marches
1548–1550
?
Sir William Herbert
Warden General of the Scottish Marches
1550–1553
Vacant
Vacant
Lord Lieutenant of Warwickshire
1550–1553
Military offices
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Master of the Tower Armoury
1535–1544
Sir Thomas Darcy
Sir Edward Guildford
Succeeded by
Governor of Boulogne
Vacant
1544–1545
The Lord Poynings
Court offices
Succeeded by
Preceded by
Chief Trencher
1537–1552
?
?
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Master of the Queen's Horses
1539–1540
Vacant
Vacant
Academic offices
Preceded by
Succeeded by
Chancellor of the University of Cambridge
1552–1553
The Duke of Somerset
The Bishop of Winchester
Peerage of England
Duke of Northumberland
1st creation
1551–1553
Forfeit
Viscount Lisle
New creation
5th creation
1543–1553
Succeeded by
Earl of Warwick
2nd creation
John Dudley
•
1547–1553
John Dudley, 1540s, with wand of office. Lady Jane Grey, whom Northumberland put on the English throne; he
reminded his colleagues that "this virtuous lady ... by ... our enticement is rather of force placed therein than by
her own seeking and request."[186] King Edward VI c. 1550
"My devise for the Succession" by Edward VI. Edward changed his text from "L Janes heires masles" to "L
Jane and her heires masles".[158] Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset. In October 1549, the Lord Protector
proclaimed his recalcitrant colleagues to have "come up of late from the dunghill ... more meet to keep service
than to occupy offices".[41]
In 1545 Lord Admiral John Dudley, Viscount Lisle welcomed King Henry VIII on board the Henri Grace a
Dieu, popularly called Great Harry.
Hayreddin Barbarossa (1478 - 1546)
Nickname
Barbarossa Red Beard Khair ad-Din
Type
Ottoman Admiral
Place of birth
Midilli, Ottoman Empire
Place of death
Constantinople, Ottoman Empire
Allegiance
Ottoman Empire
Years active
c. 1500 - 1545
Rank
Admiral
Base of operations Mediterranean
Barbarossa Hayreddin Pasha (Turkish: Barbaros Hayreddin (Hayrettin) Paşa or Hızır Hayreddin (Hayrettin) Paşa; also Hızır Reis
before being promoted to the rank of Pasha and becoming the Kaptan-ı Derya (Fleet Admiral) of the Ottoman Navy) (c. 1478 – 4 July
1546) was an Ottoman admiral who dominated the Mediterranean for decades. He was born on the island of Lesbos/ Mytilini and died
in Constantinople, the Ottoman capital. His original name was Yakupoğlu Hızır (Hızır, son of Yakup). Hayreddin (Arabic: Khair adDin ‫الــــدين خـــير‬, which literally means Goodness or best of the Religion of Islam) was an honorary name given to him by Sultan
Suleiman the Magnificent. He became known as Barbarossa (Redbeard in Italian) in Europe, a name he inherited from his older
brother Baba Oruç (Father Aruj) after Oruç was killed in a battle with the Spanish in Algeria. This name sounded like "Barbarossa"
(Redbeard) to the Europeans, and Oruç did have a red beard. The nickname stuck then also to Hayreddin's Turkish name, in the form
Barbaros.
Background Hızır, by origin a Turk according to some sources[1][2][3],and an Albanian to some other.[4][5] was born in 1470s on the
island of Lesbos (Greek: Λέσβος) to his father Yakup Ağa an Albanian from Rumelia[6] or a Turk[7][8][9][10] or a Greek renegade[11][12].
Yakup Ağa was a former Sipahi[13][14][15][16], a Turkish feudal cavalry knight, from Yenice (modern Greek city of Yanitsa)[17] and his
wife, Katerina, from the Aegean island of Lesbos. Yakup was among those who took part in the capture of Lesbos from the Genoese
on behalf of the Ottomans in 1462. For his participation he was granted the fief of Bonova village of the island as a reward. He
married a local Christian Greek woman from Mytilene, the widow of a Orthodox priest, named Katerina[18], and they had two
daughters and four sons: Ishak, Oruç, Hızır and Ilyas. Yakup became an established potter and purchased a boat to trade his products.
The four sons helped their father with his business, but not much is known about the daughters. At first Oruç helped with the boat,
while Hızır helped with pottery. http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/1911_Encyclop%C3%A6dia_Britannica/Barbarossa
Early career All four brothers became seamen, engaged in marine affairs and international sea trade. The first brother to become
involved in seamanship was Oruç, who was joined by his brother Ilyas. Later, obtaining his own ship, Hızır also began his career at
sea. The brothers initially worked as sailors, but then turned privateers in the Mediterranean to counteract the privateering of the
Knights of St. John of the Island of Rhodes.[citation needed] Oruç and Ilyas operated in the Levant, between Anatolia, Syria, and Egypt.
Hızır operated in the Aegean Sea and based his operations mostly in Thessaloniki. Ishak, the eldest, remained on Mytilene and was
involved with the financial affairs of the family business.
Death of Ilyas, captivity and liberation of Oruç Oruç was a very successful seaman. He also learned to speak Italian, Spanish,
French, Greek and Arabic in the early years of his career. While returning from a trading expedition in Tripoli, Lebanon with his
younger brother Ilyas, they were attacked by the Knights of St. John. Ilyas was killed in the fight, and Oruç was wounded. Their
father's boat was captured, and Oruç was taken as a prisoner and detained in the Knights' castle at Bodrum for nearly three years.
Upon learning the location of his brother, Hızır went to Bodrum and managed to help Oruç escape.
Oruç Reis the corsairOruç later went to Antalya, where he was given 18 galleys by Shehzade Korkud, an Ottoman prince and
governor of the city, and charged with fighting against the Knights of St. John who were inflicting serious damage on Ottoman
shipping and trade. In the following years, when Shehzade Korkud became governor of Manisa, he gave Oruç Reis a larger fleet of 24
galleys at the port of Đzmir and ordered him to participate in the Ottoman naval expedition to Apulia in Italy, where Oruç bombarded
several coastal castles and captured two ships. On his way back to Lesbos, he stopped at Euboea and captured three galleons and
another ship. Reaching Mytilene with these captured vessels, Oruç Reis learned that Shehzade Korkud, brother of the new Ottoman
sultan, had fled to Egypt in order to avoid being killed because of succession disputes - a common practice at that time. Fearing
trouble due to his well-known association with the exiled Ottoman prince, Oruç Reis sailed to Egypt, where he met Shehzade Korkud
in Cairo and managed to get an audience with the Mamluk Sultan Qansuh al-Ghawri, who gave him another ship and appointed him
with the task of raiding the coasts of Italy and the islands of the Mediterranean that were controlled by Christians. After passing the
winter in Cairo, he set sail from Alexandria and frequently operated along the coasts of Liguria and Sicily.
Hızır's career under Oruç Reis In 1503 Oruç Reis managed to seize three more ships and made the island of Djerba his new base,
thus moving his operations to the Western Mediterranean. Hızır joined Oruç Reis at Djerba. In 1504 the brothers contacted Abu
Abdullah Mohammed Hamis, Sultan of Tunisia from the Beni Hafs dynasty, and asked permission to use the strategically located port
of La Goulette for their operations. They were granted this right with the condition of leaving one third of their gains to the sultan.
Oruç Reis, in command of small galliots, captured two much larger Papal galleys near the island of Elba. Later, near Lipari, the two
brothers captured a Sicilian warship, the Cavalleria, with 380 Spanish soldiers and 60 Spanish knights from Aragon on board, who
were on their way from Spain to Naples. In 1505 they raided the coasts of Calabria. These accomplishments increased their fame and
they were joined by several other well-known Muslim corsairs, including Kurtoğlu (known in the West as Curtogoli). In 1508 they
raided the coasts of Liguria, particularly Diano Marina. In 1509 Ishak also left Mytilene and joined his brothers at La Goulette. The
fame of Oruç Reis increased when between 1504 and 1510 he transported Muslim Mudéjars from Christian Spain to North Africa. His
efforts of helping the Muslims of Spain in need and transporting them to safer lands earned him the honorific name Baba Oruç
(Father Aruj), which eventually - due the similarity in sound - evolved in Spain, France and Italy into Barbarossa (meaning Redbeard
in Italian). In 1510 the three brothers raided Cape Passero in Sicily and repulsed a Spanish attack on Bougie, Oran and Algiers. In
August 1511 they raided the areas around Reggio Calabria in southern Italy. In August 1512 the exiled ruler of Bougie invited the
brothers to drive out the Spaniards, and during the battle Oruç Reis lost his left arm. This incident earned him the nickname Gümüş
Kol (Silver Arm in Turkish), in reference to the silver prosthetic device which he used in place of his missing limb. Later that year the
three brothers raided the coasts of Andalusia in Spain, capturing a galliot of the Lomellini family of Genoa who owned the Tabarca
island in that area. They subsequently landed on Minorca and captured a coastal castle, and then headed towards Liguria where they
captured four Genoese galleys near Genoa. The Genoese sent a fleet to liberate their ships, but the brothers captured their flagship as
well. After capturing a total of 23 ships in less than a month, the brothers sailed back to La Goulette. There they built three more
galliots and a gunpowder production facility. In 1513 they captured four English ships on their way to France, raided Valencia where
they captured four more ships, and then headed for Alicante and captured a Spanish galley near Málaga. In 1513 and 1514 the three
brothers engaged the Spanish fleet on several other occasions and moved to their new base in Cherchell, east of Algiers. In 1514, with
12 galliots and 1,000 Turks, they destroyed two Spanish fortresses at Bougie, and when the Spanish fleet under the command of
Miguel de Gurrea, viceroy of Majorca, arrived for assistance, they headed towards Ceuta and raided that city before capturing Jijel in
Algeria, which was under Genoese control. They later captured Mahdiya in Tunisia. Afterwards they raided the coasts of Sicily,
Sardinia, the Balearic Islands and the Spanish mainland, capturing three large ships there. In 1515 they captured several galleons, a
galley and three barques at Majorca. Still in 1515 Oruç Reis sent precious gifts to the Ottoman Sultan Selim I who, in return, sent him
two galleys and two swords embellished with diamonds. In 1516, joined by Kurtoğlu (Curtogoli), the brothers besieged the Castle of
Elba, before heading once more towards Liguria where they captured 12 ships and damaged 28 others.
Rulers of Algiers Main article: Capture of Algiers (1516) In 1516 the three brothers succeeded in liberating Jijel and Algiers from the
Spaniards, but eventually assumed control over the city and surrounding region, forcing the previous ruler, Abu Hamo Musa III of the
Beni Ziyad dynasty, to flee.[citation needed] The Spaniards in Algiers sought refuge on the island of Peñón off the Moroccan coast and
asked Charles V, King of Spain and Holy Roman Emperor, to intervene, but the Spanish fleet failed to force the brothers out of
Algiers.
Algiers joins the Ottoman Empire Main article: Regency of Algiers After consolidating his power and declaring himself Sultan of
Algiers, Oruç Reis sought to enhance his territory inlands and took Miliana, Medea and Ténès. He became known for attaching sails
to cannons for transport through the deserts of North Africa. In 1517 the brothers raided Capo Limiti and later the Island of Capo
Rizzuto in Calabria. For Oruç Reis the best protection against Spain was to join the Ottoman Empire, his homeland and Spain's main
rival. For this he had to relinquish his title of Sultan of Algiers to the Ottomans. He did this in 1517 and offered Algiers to the
Ottoman Sultan. The Sultan accepted Algiers as an Ottoman Sanjak (Province), appointed Oruç Governor of Algiers and Chief Sea
Governor of the Western Mediterranean, and promised to support him with janissaries, galleys and cannons.
Final engagements and death of Oruç Reis and Ishak Main article: Fall of Tlemcen (1517) The Spaniards ordered Abu Zayan,
whom they had appointed as the new ruler of Tlemcen and Oran, to attack Oruç Reis from land, but Oruç Reis learned of the plan and
pre-emptively struck against Tlemcen, capturing the city and executing Abu Zayan in the Fall of Tlemcen (1517). The only survivor
of Abu Zayan's dynasty was Sheikh Buhammud, who escaped to Oran and called for Spain's assistance. In May 1518, Emperor
Charles V arrived at Oran and was received at the port by Sheikh Buhammud and the Spanish governor of the city, Diego de Córdoba,
marquess of Comares, who commanded a force of 10,000 Spanish soldiers. Joined by thousands of local Bedouins, the Spaniards
marched overland towards Tlemcen. Oruç Reis and Ishak awaited them in the city with 1,500 Turkish and 5,000 Moorish soldiers.
They defended Tlemcen for 20 days, but were eventually killed in combat by the forces of Garcia de Tineo. Hızır Reis, now given the
title of Beylerbey by Sultan Selim I, along with janissaries, galleys and cannons, inherited his brother's place, his name (Barbarossa)
and his mission.
Later career
Pasha of Algiers Further information: Regency of Algiers With a fresh force of Turkish soldiers sent by the Ottoman sultan,
Barbarossa recaptured Tlemcen in December 1518. He continued the policy of bringing Mudéjars from Spain to North Africa, thereby
assuring himself of a sizeable following of grateful and loyal Muslims, who harbored an intense hatred for Spain. He captured Bone,
and in 1519 he defeated a Spanish-Italian army that tried to recapture Algiers. In a separate incident he sank a Spanish ship and
captured eight others. Still in 1519 he raided Provence, Toulon and the Îles d'Hyères in southern France. In 1521 he raided the
Balearic Islands and later captured several Spanish ships returning from the New World off Cadiz. In 1522 he sent his ships, under the
command of Kurtoğlu, to participate in the Ottoman conquest of Rhodes which resulted in the departure of the Knights of St. John
from that island on 1 January 1523. In June 1525 he raided the coasts of Sardinia. In May 1526 he landed at Crotone in Calabria and
sacked the city, sank a Spanish galley and a Spanish fusta in the harbor, assaulted Castignano in Marche on the Adriatic Sea and later
landed at Cape Spartivento. In June 1526 he landed at Reggio Calabria and later destroyed the fort at the port of Messina. He then
appeared on the coasts of Tuscany, but retreated after seeing the fleet of Andrea Doria and the Knights of St. John off the coast of
Piombino. In July 1526 Barbarossa appeared once again in Messina and raided the coasts of Campania. In 1527 he raided many ports
and castles on the coasts of Italy and Spain. In May 1529 he captured the Spanish fort on the island of Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera
that controlled the north Moroccan coast. In August 1529 he attacked the Mediterranean coasts of Spain and later helped 70,000
Moriscos to escape from Andalusia in seven consecutive journeys. In January 1530 he again raided the coasts of Sicily and in March
and June of that year the Balearic Islands and Marseilles. In July 1530 he appeared along the coasts of the Provence and Liguria,
capturing two Genoese ships. In August 1530 he raided the coasts of Sardinia and in October appeared at Piombino, capturing a
barque from Viareggio and three French galleons, before capturing two more ships off Calabria. In December 1530 he captured the
Castle of Cabrera, in the Balearic Islands, and started to use the island as a logistic base for his operations in the area. In 1531 he
encountered Andrea Doria, who had been appointed by Charles V to recapture Jijel and Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera, and repulsed
the Spanish-Genoese fleet of 40 galleys. Still in 1531 he raided the island of Favignana, where the flagship of the Maltese Knights
under the command of Francesco Touchebeuf unsuccessfully attacked his fleet. Barbarossa then sailed eastwards and landed in
Calabria and Apulia. On the way back to Algiers he sank a ship of the Maltese Knights near Messina before assaulting Tripoli which
had been given to the Knights of St. John by Charles V in 1530. In October 1531 he again raided the coasts of Spain. In 1532, during
Suleiman I's expedition to Habsburg Austria, Andrea Doria captured Coron, Patras and Lepanto on the coasts of the Morea
(Peloponnese). In response, Suleiman sent the forces of Yahya Pashazade Mehmed Bey, who recaptured these cities. But the event
made Suleiman realize the importance of having a powerful commander at sea. He summoned Barbarossa to Constantinople, who set
sail in August 1532. Having raided Sardinia, Bonifacio in Corsica, the Islands of Montecristo, Elba and Lampedusa, he captured 18
galleys near Messina and learned from the captured prisoners that Doria was headed to Preveza. Barbarossa proceeded to raid the
nearby coasts of Calabria and then sailed towards Preveza. Doria's forces fled after a short battle, but only after Barbarossa had
captured seven of their galleys. He arrived at Preveza with a total of 44 galleys, but sent 25 of them back to Algiers and headed to
Constantinople with 19 ships. There he was received by Sultan Suleiman at Topkapı Palace. Suleiman appointed Barbarossa Kaptan-ı
Derya (Fleet Admiral) of the Ottoman Navy and Beylerbey (Chief Governor) of North Africa. Barbarossa was also given the
government of the Sanjak (Province) of Rhodes and those of Euboea and Chios in the Aegean Sea.
Diplomacy with France In 1533, Barbarossa sent an Embassy to the king of France Francis I, the Ottoman embassy to France
(1533). Francis I would in turn dispatch Antonio Rincon to Barbarossa in North Africa and then to Suleiman the Magnificent in Asia
Minor.[19] Following a second embassy, the Ottoman embassy to France (1534), Francis I sent his ambassador Jehan de la Forest to
Hayreddin Barbarossa, asking for his naval support against the Habsburg:
Military instructions to Jean de La Forêt, by Chancelor Antoine Duprat (copy), 11 February 1535.
"Jean de la Forest, whom the King sends to meet with the Grand Signor [Suleiman the Magnificent], will first go from Marseilles to
Tunis, in Barbary, to meet sir Haradin, king of Algiers, who will direct him to the Grand Signor. To this objective, next summer, he
[the King of France] will send the military force he is preparing to recover what it unjustly occupied by the Duke of Savoy, and from
there, to attack the Genoese. This king Francis I strongly prays sir Haradin, who has a powerful naval force as well as a convenient
location [Tunisia], to attack the island of Corsica and other lands, locations, cities, ships and subjects of Genoa, and not to stop until
they have accepted and recognized the king of France. The King, besides the above land force, will additionally help with his naval
force, which will comprise at least 50 vessels, of which 30 galleys, and the rest galeasses and other vessels, accompanied by one of
the largest and most beautiful carracks that ever was on the sea. This fleet will accompany and escort the army of sir Haradin, which
will also be refreshed and supplied with food and ammunition by the King, who, by these actions, will be able to achieve his aims, for
which he will be highly greatful to sir Haradin".
– Military instructions to Jean de La Forêt, by Chancelor Antoine Duprat, 11 February 1535.
Kaptan-ı Derya of the Ottoman Navy In 1534 Barbarossa set sail from Istanbul with 80 galleys and in April he recaptured Coron,
Patras and Lepanto from the Spaniards. In July 1534 he crossed the Strait of Messina and raided the Calabrian coasts, capturing a
substantial number of ships around Reggio Calabria as well as the Castle of San Lucido. He later destroyed the port of Cetraro and the
ships harbored there. Still in July 1534 he appeared in Campania and sacked the islands of Capri and Procida, before bombarding the
ports in the Gulf of Naples. He then appeared in Lazio, shelled Gaeta and in August landed at Villa Santa Lucia, Sant'Isidoro,
Sperlonga, Fondi, Terracina and Ostia on the River Tiber, causing the church bells in Rome to ring the alarm. He then sailed south,
appearing at Ponza, Sicily and Sardinia, before capturing Tunis in August 1534 and sending the Hafsid Sultan Mulei Hassan fleeing.
He also captured the strategic port of La Goulette. Mulei Hassan asked Emperor Charles V for assistance to recover his kingdom, and
a Spanish-Italian force of 300 galleys and 24,000 soldiers recaptured Tunis as well as Bone and Mahdiya in 1535. Recognizing the
futility of armed resistance, Barbarossa had abandoned Tunis well before the arrival of the invaders, sailing away into the Tyrrhenian
Sea, where he bombarded ports, landed once again at Capri and reconstructed a fort (which still today carries his name) after largely
destroying it during the siege of the island. He then sailed to Algiers, from where he raided the coastal towns of Spain, destroyed the
ports of Majorca and Minorca, captured several Spanish and Genoese galleys and liberated their Muslim oar slaves. In September
1535 he repulsed another Spanish attack on Tlemcen. In 1536 Barbarossa was called back to Istanbul to take command of 200 ships in
a naval attack on the Habsburg Kingdom of Naples. In July 1537 he landed at Otranto and captured the city, as well as the Fortress of
Castro and the city of Ugento in Apulia. In August 1537, Lütfi Pasha and Barbarossa led a huge Ottoman force which captured the
Aegean and Ionian islands belonging to the Republic of Venice, namely Syros, Aegina, Ios, Paros, Tinos, Karpathos, Kasos, Kythira,
and Naxos. In the same year Barbarossa raided Corfu and obliterated the agricultural cultivations of the island while enslaving nearly
all the population of the countryside [20] However, the Old Fortress of Corfu was well defended by a 4,000-strong Venetian garrison
with 700 guns, and when several assaults failed to capture the fortifications, the Turks reluctantly re-embarked,[21] and once again
raided Calabria. These losses caused Venice to ask Pope Paul III to organize a "Holy League" against the Ottomans. In February
1538, Pope Paul III succeeded in assembling a Holy League (composed of the Papacy, Spain, the Holy Roman Empire, the Republic
of Venice and the Maltese Knights) against the Ottomans, but Barbarossa defeated its combined fleet, commanded by Andrea Doria,
at the Battle of Preveza in September 1538. This victory secured Turkish dominance over the Mediterranean for the next 33 years,
until the Battle of Lepanto in 1571. In the summer of 1539 Barbarossa captured the islands of Skiathos, Skyros, Andros and Serifos
and recaptured Castelnuovo from the Spanish, who had taken it from the Ottomans after the battle of Preveza. He also captured the
nearby Castle of Risan and later assaulted the Venetian fortress of Cattaro and the Spanish fortress of Santa Veneranda near Pesaro.
Barbarossa later took the remaining Christian outposts in the Ionian and Aegean Seas. Venice finally signed a peace treaty with Sultan
Suleiman in October 1540, agreeing to recognize the Turkish territorial gains and to pay 300,000 gold ducats. In September 1540,
Emperor Charles V contacted Barbarossa and offered him to become his Admiral-in-Chief as well as the ruler of Spain's territories in
North Africa, but he refused. Unable to persuade Barbarossa to switch sides, in October 1541, Charles himself laid siege to Algiers,
seeking to end the corsair threat to the Spanish domains and Christian shipping in the western Mediterranean. The season was not
ideal for such a campaign, and both Andrea Doria, who commanded the fleet, and the old Hernan Cortés, who had been asked by
Charles to participate in the campaign, attempted to change the Emperor's mind but failed. Eventually a violent storm disrupted
Charles' landing operations. Andrea Doria took his fleet away into open waters to avoid being wrecked on the shore, but much of the
Spanish fleet went aground. After some indecisive fighting on land, Charles had to abandon the effort and withdraw his severely
battered force.
Franco-Ottoman alliance Main articles: Franco-Ottoman alliance, Siege of Nice, and Ottoman wintering in Toulon In 1543
Barbarossa headed towards Marseilles to assist France, then an ally of the Ottoman Empire, and cruised the western Mediterranean
with a fleet of 210 ships (70 galleys, 40 galliots and 100 other warships carrying 14,000 Turkish soldiers, thus an overall total of
30,000 Ottoman troops.) On his way, while passing through the Strait of Messina, he asked Diego Gaetani, the governor of Reggio
Calabria, to surrender his city. Gaetani responded with cannon fire, which killed three Turkish sailors. Barbarossa, angered by the
response, besieged and captured the city. He then landed on the coasts of Campania and Lazio, and from the mouth of the Tiber
threatened Rome, but France intervened in favor of the Pope's city. Barbarossa then raided several Italian and Spanish islands and
coastal settlements before laying the Siege of Nice and capturing the city on 5 August 1543 on behalf of the French king Francis I.
The Turkish captain later landed at Antibes and the Île Sainte-Marguerite near Cannes, before sacking the city of San Remo, other
ports of Liguria, Monaco and La Turbie. He spent the winter with his fleet and 30,000 Turkish soldiers in Toulon, but occasionally
sent his ships from there to bombard the coasts of Spain. The Christian population had been evacuated and the Cathedral of St. Mary
in Toulon was transformed into a mosque for the Turkish soldiers, while Ottoman money was accepted for transactions by the French
salesmen in the city. In the spring of 1544, after assaulting San Remo for the second time and landing at Borghetto Santo Spirito and
Ceriale, Barbarossa defeated another Spanish-Italian fleet and raided deeply into the Kingdom of Naples. He then sailed to Genoa
with his 210 ships and threatened to attack the city unless it freed Turgut Reis, who had been serving as a galley slave on a Genoese
ship and then imprisoned in the city since his capture in Corsica by Giannettino Doria in 1540. Barbarossa was invited by Andrea
Doria to discuss the issue at his palace in the Fassolo district of Genoa, and the two admirals negotiated the release of Turgut Reis in
exchange for 3,500 gold ducats. Barbarossa then successfully repulsed further Spanish attacks on southern France, but was recalled to
Constantinople after Charles V and Suleiman had agreed to a truce in 1544. After leaving the Provence from the port of Île SainteMarguerite in May 1544, Barbarossa assaulted San Remo for the third time, and when he appeared before Vado Ligure, the Republic
of Genoa sent him a substantial sum to save other Genoese cities from further attacks. In June 1544 Barbarossa appeared before Elba.
Threatening to bombard Piombino unless the city released the son of Sinan Reis who had been captured 10 years earlier by the
Spaniards in Tunis, he obtained his release. He then captured Castiglione della Pescaia, Talamone and Orbetello in the province of
Grosseto in Tuscany. There he destroyed the tomb and burned the remains of Bartolomeo Peretti, who had burned his father's house in
Mytilene the previous year, in 1543. He then captured Montiano and occupied Porto Ercole and the Isle of Giglio. He later assaulted
Civitavecchia, but Leone Strozzi, the French envoy, convinced Barbarossa to lift the siege. The Turkish fleet then assaulted the coasts
of Sardinia before appearing at Ischia and landing there in July 1544, capturing the city as well as Forio and the Isle of Procida before
threatening Pozzuoli. Encountering 30 galleys under Giannettino Doria, Barbarossa forced them to sail away towards Sicily and seek
refuge in Messina. Due to strong winds the Turks were unable to attack Salerno but managed to land at Cape Palinuro nearby.
Barbarossa then entered the Strait of Messina and landed at Catona, Fiumara and Calanna near Reggio Calabria and later at Cariati
and at Lipari, which was his final landing on the Italian peninsula. There he bombarded the citadel for 15 days after the city refused to
surrender, and eventually captured it. He finally returned to Constantinople, and in 1545 left the city for his final naval expeditions,
during which he bombarded the ports of the Spanish mainland and landed at Majorca and Minorca for the last time. He then sailed
back to Constantinople and built a palace on the Bosphorus, in the present-day district of Büyükdere.
Retirement and death Barbarossa retired in Constantinople in 1545, leaving his son Hasan Pasha as his successor in Algiers. He then
dictated his memoirs to Muradi Sinan Reis. They consist of five hand-written volumes known as "Gazavat-ı Hayreddin Paşa"
(Conquests of Hayreddin Pasha). Today they are exhibited at the Topkapı Palace and Istanbul University Library. They are prepared
and published by Babıali Kültür Yayıncılığı as "Kaptan Paşa'nın Seyir Defteri" (The Logbook of the Captain Pasha) by Prof. Dr.
Ahmet Şimşirgil, a Turkish academic. They are also fictionalised as "Akdeniz Bizimdi" (The Mediterranean was Ours) by M. Ertuğrul
Düzdağ. Barbarossa is also one of the main characters in Mika Waltari's book the Wanderer (1949). Barbarossa Hayreddin Pasha died
in 1546 in his seaside palace in the Büyükdere neighbourhood of Constantinople, on the northwestern shores of the Bosphorus. He is
buried in the tall mausoleum (türbe) near the ferry port of the district of Beşiktaş on the European side of Istanbul; which was built in
1541 by the famous architect Mimar Sinan, at the site where his fleet used to assemble. His memorial was built in 1944, next to his
mausoleum.
The Flag (Sancak) of Hayreddin Barbarossa The star on the flag of Hayreddin Barbarossa may be confused with the Star of David,
a Jewish symbol, used by Israel today. However, in medieval times, this star was a popular Islamic symbol known as the Seal of
Solomon (Suleiman) and was widely used by the Seljuk Turkish Beyliks of Anatolia. The seal was later used by the Ottomans in their
mosque decorations, coins and the personal flags of the pashas, including Hayreddin Barbarossa.[22] One of the Turkish states known
to use the seal on its flag was the Beylik of Candaroğlu. According to the Catalan Atlas of 1375 by A. Cresques, the flag of the Beylik
of Karamanoğlu, another Turkish state, consisted of a blue 6-edged star.[23]
Legacy Barbarossa Hayreddin Pasha established Turkish supremacy in the Mediterranean which lasted until the Battle of Lepanto in
1571. But even after their defeat in Lepanto, the Ottoman Turks quickly rebuilt their fleet, regained Cyprus and other lost territories in
Morea and Dalmatia from the Republic of Venice between 1571 and 1572, and conquered Tunisia from Spain in 1574. Furthermore,
the Turks ventured into the northern Atlantic Ocean between 1585 and 1660, and continued to be a major Mediterranean sea power
for three more centuries, until the reign of Sultan Abdülaziz, when the Ottoman fleet, which had 21 battleships and 173 other types of
warships, ranked as the third largest naval force in the world after the British and French navies (see the main article History of the
Turkish Navy). However, during these centuries of great seamen such as Kemal Reis before him; his brother Oruç Reis and other
contemporaries Turgut Reis, Salih Reis, Piri Reis and Kurtoğlu Muslihiddin Reis; or Piyale Pasha, Murat Reis, Seydi Ali Reis, Uluç
Ali Reis and Kurtoğlu Hızır Reis after him, few other Turkish admirals ever achieved the overwhelming naval power of Barbaros
Hayreddin Paşa. His mausoleum is in the Barbaros Park of Beşiktaş, Istanbul, where his statue also stands, right next to the Turkish
Naval Museum. On the back of the statue are verses by the Turkish poet Yahya Kemal Beyatlı which may be translated as follows[24]:
Whence on the sea's horizon comes that roar?
Can it be Barbarossa now returning
From Tunis or Algiers or from the Isles?
Two hundred vessels ride upon the waves,
Coming from lands the rising Crescent lights:
O blessed ships, from what seas are ye come?
Barbaros Boulevard starts from his mausoleum on the Bosphorus and runs all the way up to the Levent and Maslak business districts
and beyond. He gave his name to Üsküdar and Eminönü port (before January 10, 2009 Kadıköy) in Beşiktaş. In the centuries
following his death, even today, Turkish seamen salute his mausoleum with a cannon shot before leaving for naval operations and
battles. Several warships of the Turkish Navy and passenger ships have been named after him.
References to Hayreddin Barbarossa
• The lobby of the Grand Seigneur hotel in Istanbul is decorated in honour of Barbarossa. There are frieze-like portraits of
him, as well as a frieze representing what must be the Battle of Preveza. This latter shows the disposition of the two fleets
facing each other, along with the flags and numbers of the opposing forces.
•
The college in Pakistan Naval Academy (PNS Rahbar) is named after Barbarossa, on the entrance there is a massive portrait
of Admiral Barbarossa.
Military history of the Ottoman Empire portal
See also
• Turkish Navy
• History of the Turkish Navy
• Hector Barbossa, a fictional character partly inspired by Barbarossa
Notes
1.
^ The early modern Ottomans: remapping the Empire, Virginia H. Aksan & Daniel Goffman, p.106, Cambridge
University Press, 2007
2.
^ The Ottoman Empire and early modern Europe, Daniel Goffman, Cambridge University Press, p.145
3.
^ The last great Muslim empires: history of the Muslim world, Frank Ronald Charles Bagley et al, Brill Academic
Publishers, 1997
4.
^ Encyclopædia Britannica, page 147, 1963
5.
^ Islam in the Balkans: religion and society between Europe and the Arab world, H. T. Norris, page 201, 1993
^ Authorities.—The History of the Ottoman Empire, by Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall (French translation J. J.
6.
Hellert, 1835-1843), contains accounts of the Barbarossas, but requires to be corrected by other authorities. See La Fondation
de la régence d'Alger, histoire des Barberousse, chronique arabe du XVIème siècle published by Sander Rang and Ferdinand
Denis, Paris, 1837—for a curious Moslem version of their story. H. D. de Grammont has collected later evidence in his
Histoire d'Alger (Paris, 1887); and he discusses the origin of the name in a paper contributed to the Révue Africaine, No.
171. Their campaigns are told in a readable way with the advantage of technical knowledge by Ad. Jurien de la Gravière in
Les Corsaires barbaresques et la marine de Soliman le Grand (1887), and Doria et Barberousse (1886). The History of the
Maritime Wars of the Turks, by Hajji Khalifa (translated by J. Mitchell for the Oriental Translation Fund, 1831), is said to
have been founded on evidence collected by order of the sultan Suleiman.
7.
^ Piracy: the complete history, Angus Konstam, page 80, 2008
8.
^ Feeding people. feeding power: imarets in the Ottoman Empire, Nina Ergin, Christoph K. Neumann, Amy Singer,
page 98, 2007
^ Between Venice and Istanbul: colonial landscapes in early modern Greece, Siriol Davies,Jack L. Davis, p36, 2007
9.
10.
^ The Turks: Ottomans, Hasan Celâl Güzel, Cem Oğuz, Osman Karatay, Murat Ocak, 2002
11.
^ Archivum Ottomanicum, Volume 3, György Hazai et al, Mouton, 1971
12.
^ Early Habsburg Spain, 1517-1598, A. W. Lovett, p.132, Oxford University Press, 1986
13.
^ Feeding people. feeding power: imarets in the Ottoman Empire, Nina Ergin, Christoph K. Neumann, Amy Singer,
page 98, 2007
14.
^ Piracy: the complete history, Angus Konstam, page 80, 2008
15.
^ The Turks: Ottomans, Hasan Celâl Güzel, Cem Oğuz, Osman Karatay, Murat Ocak, 2002
16.
^ Between Venice and Istanbul: colonial landscapes in early modern Greece, Siriol Davies,Jack L. Davis, page 36,
2007
17.
^ Between Venice and Istanbul: Colonial landscapes in early modern Greece, p.36, Siriol Davies,Jack L. Davis,
American School of Classical Studies, 2007
18.
^ Die Seeaktivitäten der muslimischen Beutefahrer als Bestandteil der staatlichen Flotte während der osmanischen
Expansion im Mittelmeer im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, p.548, Andreas Rieger, Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1994
^ Suleiman the Magnificent 1520-1566 Roger Bigelow Merriman p.140 [1]
19.
20.
^ History of Corfu
21.
^ History of Corfu
22.
^ http://www.fahnenversand.de/fotw/misc/tr~barb.jpg
23.
^ http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c7/Catalan-Atlas_-_1.png
24.
^ Translation by John Freely in Strolling through Istanbul, p. 467, Sev Yayıncılık, 1997
References
• E. Hamilton Currey, Sea-Wolves of the Mediterranean, London, 1910
• Bono, Salvatore: Corsari nel Mediterraneo (Corsairs in the Mediterranean), Oscar Storia Mondadori. Perugia, 1993.
• Corsari nel Mediterraneo: Condottieri di ventura. Online database in Italian, based on Salvatore Bono's book.
• Bradford, Ernle, The Sultan's Admiral: The life of Barbarossa, London, 1968.
• Wolf, John B., The Barbary Coast: Algeria under the Turks, New York, 1979; ISBN 0-393-01205-0
• The Ottomans: Comprehensive and detailed online chronology of Ottoman history in English.
• Turkish Navy official website: Historic heritage of the Turkish Navy (in Turkish)
External links
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha
Look up Barbarossa in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.
Wikisource has the text of the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica article Barbarossa.
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The Life of Barbarossa
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Britannica Concise Encyclopedia
A brief article
An article on the Barbarossa brothers
Another article on the Barbarossa brothers
Original Gazawat by Seyyid Muradi
Barbaros Hayreddin Pasha's tomb in Beşiktaş
Ottoman Navy
Barbaros Hayreddin Paşa'nın Hatıraları (Memoirs of Hayreddin Barbarossa in Turkish)
Barbarossa Hayreddin Pasha - Barbarossa Hayreddin Pasha defeats the Holy League of Charles V under the command of Andrea
Doria at the Battle of Preveza in 1538.
The star on the flag of Hayreddin Barbarossa Barbarossa's galley during his campaign in France,1543. Barbarossa Castle in Capri still
carries the name of the Ottoman admiral who captured the island in 1535. The Turks eventually departed from Capri, but another
famous Ottoman admiral, Turgut Reis, recaptured both the island and the castle in 1553.
Western depiction of Hayreddin Barbarossa. A depiction of Hayreddin Barbarossa.
Suleyman receiving Barbarossa in Istanbul. Tomb of Barbaros Hayreddin Paşa in the Beşiktaş district of Istanbul.
In the Siege of Nice in 1543, Barbarossa's fleet combined with a French force to capture the city.
Barbarossa's fleet wintering in Toulon, 1543, during the Ottoman occupation of Toulon.
"Letter of praise" from Barbarossa to Suleyman, 1541. Istanbul Naval Museum.
Statue of Barbaros Hayreddin Paşa near the Istanbul Naval Museum on the Bosphorus in Istanbul.
Oruç Reis was Hayreddin Barbarossa's elder brother. Castle of the Knights of St. John in Bodrum, where Oruç was held captive for
nearly three years until he was saved by his younger brother Hızır.
Franco-Ottoman alliance
The Franco-Ottoman alliance, also Franco-Turkish alliance, was an alliance established in 1536 between the king of France
Francis I and the Turkish ruler of the Ottoman Empire Suleiman the Magnificent. The alliance has been called "the first nonideological diplomatic alliance of its kind between a Christian and non-Christian empire".[1] It did however cause quite a scandal in
the Christian world,[2] and was designated as "the impious alliance", or "the sacrilegious union of the Lily and the Crescent";
nevertheless, it endured since it served the objective interests of both parties.[3] The strategic and sometimes tactical alliance was one
of the most important foreign alliances of France and lasted for more than two and a half centuries,[4] until the Napoleonic Campaign
in Egypt, an Ottoman territory, in 1798–1801. The Franco-Ottoman alliance was also an important chapter of Franco-Asian relations.
Background Following the Turkish conquest of Constantinople in 1453 by Mehmet II and the unification of the Middle East under
Selim I, Soliman, the son of Selim, managed to expand Ottoman rule to Serbia in 1522. The Habsburg Empire thus entered in direct
conflict with the Ottomans.Some early contacts seem to have taken place between the Ottomans and the French. Philippe de
Commines reports that Bajazet II sent an embassy to Louis XI in 1483, while Djem, his brother and rival pretender to the Ottoman
throne was being detained in France at Bourganeuf by Pierre d'Aubusson. Louis XI refused to see the envoys, but a large amount of
money and Christian relics were offered by the envoy so that Djem could remain in custody in France.[5] Djem was transferred to the
custody of Pope Innocent VIII in 1489. France had signed a first treaty or Capitulation with the Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt in 1500,
during the rules of Louis XII and Sultan Bajazet II,[6][7] in which the Sultan of Egypt had made concessions to the French and the
Catalans, and which would be later extended by Suleiman. France had already been looking for allies in Central Europe. The
ambassador of France Antonio Rincon was employed by Francis I on several missions to Poland and Hungary between 1522 and
1525. At that time, following the 1522 Battle of Bicoque, Francis I was attempting to ally with king Sigismund I the Old of Poland.[8]
Finally, in 1524, a Franco-Polish alliance was signed between Francis I and the king of Poland Sigismund I.[9] A momentous
intensification of the search for allies in Central Europe occurred when the French ruler Francis I was defeated at the Battle of Pavia
on February 24, 1525, by the troops of Emperor Charles V. After several months in prison, Francis I was forced to sign the
humiliating Treaty of Madrid, through which he had to relinquish the Duchy of Burgundy and the Charolais to the Empire, renounce
his Italian ambitions, and return his belongings and honours to the traitor Constable de Bourbon. This situation forced Francis I to find
an ally against the powerful Habsburg Emperor, in the person of Suleiman the Magnificent.[10]
Alliance of Francis I and Suleiman The alliance was an opportunity for both rulers to fight against the rule of the Habsburg. The
objective for Francis I was clearly to find an ally in the struggle against the House of Habsburg,[2] although this policy of alliance was
in reversal of that of his predecessors.[11] The pretext used by Francis I to seal an alliance with a Muslim power was the protection of
the Christians in Ottoman lands, through agreements called "Capitulations of the Ottoman Empire". King Francis was imprisoned in
Madrid when the first efforts at establishing an alliance were made. A first French mission to Suleiman seems to have been sent right
after the Battle of Pavia by the mother of Francis I Louise de Savoie, but the mission was lost on its way in Bosnia.[12] In December
1525 a second mission was sent, led by John Frangipani, which managed to reach Constantinople, the Ottoman capital, with secret
letters asking for the deliverance of king Francis I and an attack on the Habsburg. Frangipani returned with an answer from Suleiman,
on 6 February 1526:[12] "(...) You have sent to my Porte, refuge of sovereigns, a letter by your faithful agent Frangipani, and you have
furthermore entrusted to him sundry verbal communications; you have informed me that the enemy has overrun your country and that
you are at present in prison and a captive, and you have here asked aid and succors for your deliverance. (...) Take courage then, and
be not dismayed. Our glorious predecessors and our illustrious ancestors (may God light up their tombs!) have never ceased to make
war to repel the foe and conquer his lands. We ourselves have followed in their footsteps, and have at all times conquered provinces
and citadels of great strength and difficult of approach. Night and day our horse is saddled and our saber is girt. May God on High
promote righteousness! May whatsoever He will be accomplished! For the rest, question your ambassador and be informed.(...)"
– Answer from Suleiman I to Francis I of France, February 1526.[13]
The plea of the French king nicely corresponded to the ambitions of Suleiman in Europe, and gave him an incentive to attack Hungary
in 1526, leading to the Battle of Mohács.[4] The Ottomans were also greatly attracted by the prestige of being in alliance with such a
country as France, which would give them better legitimacy in their European dominions.[4] Meanwhile, Charles V was manoeuvring
to form a Habsburg-Persian alliance with Persia, so that the Ottoman Empire would be attacked on its rear. Envoys were sent to Shah
Tahmasp I in 1525, and again in 1529, pleading for an attack on the Ottoman Empire.[14] With the War of the League of Cognac
(1526–1530) going on, Francis I continued to look for allies in Central Europe and formed a Franco-Hungarian alliance in 1528 with
the Hungarian king Zapolya, who himself had just become a vassal of the Ottoman Empire that same year.[15] In 1528 also, Francis
used the pretext of the protection of Christians in the Ottoman Empire to again enter into contact with Suleiman, asking for the return
of a mosque to a Christian Church. In his 1528 letter to Francis I Suleiman politely refused, but guaranteed the protection of
Christians in his states. He also renewed the privileges of French merchants which had been obtained in 1517 in Egypt. Francis I lost
in his European campaigns, and had to sign the Paix des Dames in August 1529. He was even forced to supply some galleys to
Charles V in his fight against the Ottomans. However, the Ottomans would continue their campaigns in Central Europe, and besiege
the Habsburg capital in the 1529 Siege of Vienna, and again in 1532.
Exchange of embassies Further information: Ottoman embassy to France (1533) and Ottoman embassy to France (1534) In early July
1532, Suleiman was joined by the French ambassador Antonio Rincon in Belgrade.[17] Antonio Rincon presented Suleiman with a
magnificent four-tiered tiara, made in Venice for 115,000 ducats.[16] Rincon also described the Ottoman camp: The French
ambassador to England Jean de Dinteville in "The Ambassadors", by Hans Holbein the Younger, 1533, including an example of
Ottoman carpets in Renaissance painting. "Astonishing order, no violence. Merchants, women even, coming and going in perfect
safety, as in a European town. Life as safe, as large and easy as in Venice. Justice so fairly administered that one is tempted to believe
that the Turks are turned Christians now, and that the Christians are turned Turks."
—Antonio Rincon, 1532.[18] Francis I explained to the Venice ambassador Giorgio Gritti in March 1531 his strategy regarding the
Turks:[19] "I cannot deny that I wish to see the Turk all-powerful and ready for war, not for himself -for he is an infidel and we are all
Christians- but to weaken the power of the emperor, to compel him to make major expenses, and to reassure all the other governments
who are opposed to such a formidable enemy".
—Francis I to the Venetian ambassador.[20] Ottoman embassies were sent to France, with the Ottoman embassy to France (1533) led
by Hayreddin Barbarossa, and the Ottoman embassy to France (1534) led by representatives of Suleiman.
Combined operations (1534-35) Suleiman ordered Barbarossa to put his fleet at the disposition of Francis I to attack Genoa and the
Milanese.[21] In July 1533 Francis received Ottoman representatives at Le Puy, and he would dispatch in return Antonio Rincon to
Barbarossa in North Africa and then to the Asia Minor.[22] Suleiman explained that "he could not possibly abandon the King of
France, who was his brother".[22] The Franco-Ottoman alliance was by then effectively made.[22] In 1534 a Turkish fleet sailed against
the Habsburg Empire at the request of Francis I, raiding the Italian coast and finally meeting with representatives of Francis in
southern France.[23] The fleet went on to capture Tunis in the Conquest of Tunis (1534) on 16 August 1534 and continued raiding the
Italian coast with the support of Francis I.[24] In a counter-attack however, Charles V dislodged them in the Conquest of Tunis (1535).
Permanent embassy of Jean de La Forêt (1535-37)
Trade and religious agreements Treaties, or capitulations, were passed between the two countries starting in 1528 and 1536. The
catastrophic defeat in the Conquest of Tunis (1535) at the hands of Andrea Doria motivated the Ottoman Empire to enter into a formal
alliance with France.[25] Ambassador Jean de La Forêt was sent to Constantinople, and for the first time was able to become
permanent ambassador at the Ottoman court and to negotiate treaties.[25] Jean de La Forêt negotiated the capitulations on 18 February
1536, on the model of previous Ottoman commercial treaties with Venice and Genoa,[25] although they only seem to have been ratified
by the Ottomans later, in 1569, with ambassador Claude Du Bourg. These capitulations allowed the French to obtain important
privileges, such as the security of the people and goods, extraterritoriality, freedom to transport and sell goods in exchange for the
payment of the selamlik and customs fees. These capitulations would in effect give the French a near trade monopoly in the Orient.
Foreign vessels had to trade with Turkey under the French banner, after the payment of a percentage of their trade. A French embassy
and a Christian chapel were established in the area of Galata in Constantinople, and commercial privileges were also given to French
merchants in the Turkish Empire. Through the capitulations of 1535, the French received the privilege to trade freely in all Ottoman
ports.[2] A formal alliance was signed in 1536.[26] The French were free to practice their religion in the Ottoman Empire, and French
Catholics were given custody of holy places.[2] The capitulations were again renewed in 1604,[2] and lasted up until the establishment
of the Republic of Turkey in 1923.[27]
Military and financial agreements Jean de la Forêt also had secret military instructions to organize a combined offensive on Italy in
1535:[28] Through the negotiations of de La Forêt with the vizir Ibrahim Pasha it was agreed that combined military operations against
Italy would take place, in which France would attack Lombardy while the Ottoman Empire would attack from Naples.[25][29] The
Ottoman Empire also provided considerable financial support to Francis I. In 1533, Suleiman sent Francis I 100,000 gold pieces, so
that he could form a coalition with England and German states against Charles V. In 1535, Francis asked for another 1 million
ducats.[30] The military instructions of Jean de la Foret were highly specific: Military instructions to Jean de La Forêt, by Chancellor
Antoine Duprat (copy), 11 February 1535. "Jean de la Forest, whom the King sends to meet with the Grand Signor [Suleiman the
Magnificent], will first go from Marseilles to Tunis, in Barbary, to meet sir Haradin, king of Algiers, who will direct him to the Grand
Signor. To this objective, next summer, he [the King of France] with send the military force he is preparing to recover what it unjustly
occupied by the Duke of Savoy, and from there, to attack the Genoese. This king Francis I strongly prays sir Haradin, who has a
powerful naval force as well as a convenient location [Tunisia], to attack the island of Corsica and other lands, locations, cities, ships
and subjects of Genoa, and not to stop until they have accepted and recognized the king of France. The King, besides the above land
force, will additionally help with his naval force, which will comprise at least 50 vessels, of which 30 galleys, and the rest galeasses
and other vessels, accompanied by one of the largest and most beautiful carracks that ever was on the sea. This fleet will accompany
and escort the army of sir Haradin, which will also be refreshed and supplied with food and ammunition by the King, who, by these
actions, will be able to achieve his aims, for which he will be highly grateful to sir Haradin.[...] To the Grand Signor, Monsieur de La
Forest must ask for 1 million in gold, and for his army to enter first in Sicilia and Sardinia and establish there a king whom La Forest
will nominate, a person who has credit and knows well these islands which he will retain in the devotion of, and under the shade and
support of the King [of France]. Furthermore, he will recognize this blessing, and send tribute and pension to the Grand Signor to
reward him for the financial support he will have provided to the King, as well as the support of his navy which will be fully assisted
by the King [of France]."
– Military instruction from Francis I to Jean de La Forest, 1535.[31]
Finally, Suleiman intervened diplomatically in favour of Francis on the European scene. He is known to have sent at least one letter to
the Protestant princes of Germany to encourage them to ally with Francis I against Charles V.[32] Francis I effectively allied with the
Schmalkaldic League against Charles V in 1535.
Italian War of 1536–1538 Main article: Italian War of 1536–1538 Franco-Ottoman military collaboration took place during the
Italian War of 1536–1538 following the 1536 Treaty negotiated by Jean de La Forêt.
Campaign of 1536 Francis I invaded Savoy in 1536.[33] starting the war. A Franco-Turkish fleet was stationed in Marseilles by the
end of 1536, threatening Genoa.[34] While Francis I was attacking Milan and Genoa in April 1536, Barbarossa was raiding the
Habsburg possessions in the Mediterranean.[25] In 1536 the French Admiral Baron de Saint-Blancard combined his twelve French
galleys with a small Ottoman fleet belonging to Barbarossa in Alger (an Ottoman galley and 6 galiotes), to attack the island of Ibiza in
the Balearic Islands. After failing to capture the tower of Salé, the fleet raided the Spanish coast from Tortosa to Collioure, finally
wintering in Marseilles with 30 galleys from 15 October 1536 (the first time a Turkish fleet laid up for the winter in Marseilles).
Joint campaign of 1537 For 1537 important combined operations were agreed upon, in which the Ottomans would attack southern
Italy and Naples under Barbarossa, and Francis I would attack northern Italy with 50,000 men. Suleiman led an army of 300,000 from
Constantinople to Albania, with the objective of transporting them to Italy with the fleet.[25] The Ottoman fleet gathered in Avlona
with 100 galleys, accompanied by the French ambassador Jean de La Forêt.[35] They landed in Castro, Apulia by the end of July 1537,
and departed two weeks later with many prisoners.[35] Barbarossa had laid waste to the region around Otranto, carrying about 10,000
people into slavery. Francis however failed to meet his commitment, and instead attacked the Netherlands. The Ottomans departed
from Southern Italy, and instead mounted the Siege of Corfu in August 1537.[36] where they were met by the French Admiral Baron de
Saint-Blancard with 12 galleys in early September 1537.[35] Saint-Blancard in vain attempted to convince the Ottomans to again raid
the coasts of Apulia, Sicily and the March of Ancona, and Suleiman returned with his fleet to Istanbul by mid-September without
having captured Corfu.[35] French ambassador Jean de La Forêt became seriously ill and died around that time.[35] Francis I finally
penetrated into Italy, and reached Rivoli on 31 October 1537.[37] For two years, until 1538, Saint-Blancard would accompany the fleet
of Barbarossa, and between 1537-38 Saint-Blancard would winter with his galleys in Istambul and meet with Suleiman. During that
time, Saint-Blancard was funded by Barbarossa.[38] The campaign of Saint-Blancard with the Ottomans was written down in Le
Voyage du Baron de Saint Blancard en Turquie, by Jean de la Vega, who had accompanied Saint-Blancard in his mission.[39]
Although the French accompanied most of the campaigns of Barbarossa, they sometimes refrained from participating in Turkish
assaults, and their accounts express horror at the violence of these encounters, in which Christians were slaughtered or taken as
captives.[40]
Franco-Habsbourg Truce of Nice (1538) With Charles V unsuccessful in battle and squeezed between the French invasion and the
Ottomans, kings Francis I and Charles V ultimately made peace with the Truce of Nice on 18 June 1538.[41] In the truce, Charles and
Francis made an agreement to ally against the Ottomans to expel them from Hungary.[42] Charles V turned his attention to fighting the
Ottomans, but could not launch large forces in Hungary due to a raging conflict with the German princes of the Schmalkaldic
League.[42] On 28 September 1538 Barbarosa won the major Battle of Preveza against the Imperial fleet.[43] At the end of the conflict,
Suleiman set as a condition for peace with Charles V that the latter returns to Francis I the lands that were his by right.[36] The FrancoOttoman alliance was crippled for a while however, due to Francis' official change of alliance at Nice in 1538. Open conflict between
Charles and Francis would resume in 1542, as well as Franco-Ottoman collaboration, with the 4 July 1541 assassination by Imperial
troops of the French ambassador to the Ottoman court Antonio Rincon, as he was travelling through Italy near Pavia.
Italian War of 1542–1546 and Hungary Campaign of 1543 Main article: Italian War of 1542–46 During the Italian War of 1542–
46 Francis I and Suleiman I were again pitted against the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, and Henry VIII of England. The course of
the war saw extensive fighting in Italy, France, and the Low Countries, as well as attempted invasions of Spain and England; but,
although the conflict was ruinously expensive for the major participants, its outcome was inconclusive. In the Mediterranean, active
naval collaboration took place between the two powers to fight against Spanish forces, following a request by Francis I, conveyed by
Antoine Escalin des Aimars, also known as Captain Polin.
Failed coordination in the campaign of 1542 In early 1542, Polin successfully negotiated the details of the alliance, with the
Ottoman Empire promising to send 60,000 troops against the territories of the German king Ferdinand, as well as 150 galleys against
Charles, while France promised to attack Flanders, harass the coasts of Spain with a naval force, and send 40 galleys to assist the
Turks for operations in the Levant.[44] A landing harbour in the north of the Adriatic was prepared for Barberousse, at Marano. The
port was seized in the name of France by Piero Strozzi on 2 January 1542.[45] Polin left Constantinople on 15 February 1542 with a
contract from Suleiman outlining the details of the Ottoman commitment for 1542. He arrived in Blois on 8 March 1542 to obtain a
ratification of the agreement by Francis I.[46] Accordingly, Francis I designated the city of Perpignan as the objective for the Ottoman
expedition, in order to obtain a seaway to Genoa.[47] Polin, after some delays in Venice, finally managed to take a galley to
Constantinople on 9 May 1542, but he arrived too late for the Ottomans to launch a sea campaign.[48] Meanwhile, Francis I initiated
the hostilities with Charles V on 20 July 1542, and kept with his part of the agreement by laying siege at Perpignan and attacking
Flanders.[46] André de Montalembert was sent to Constantinople to ascertain the Ottoman offensive, but it turned out that Suleiman,
partly under the anti-alliance influence of Suleyman Pasha, was unwilling to send an army that year, and promised to send an army
twice as strong the following year, in 1543.[49] When Francis I learnt from André de Montalembert that the Ottomans were not
coming, he raised the siege of Perpignan.[50]
Joint siege of Nice (1543) Main article: Siege of Nice Most notably, the French forces, led by François de Bourbon and the Ottoman
forces, led by Barbarossa, joined at Marseilles in August 1543,[51] and collaborated to bombard the city of Nice in the Siege of Nice.[2]
In this action 110 Ottoman galleys, amounting to 30,000 men,[52] combined with 50 French galleys.[53] The Franco-Ottomans laid
waste to the city of Nice, but were confronted by a stiff resistance which gave rise to the story of Catherine Ségurane. They had to
raise the siege of the citadel upon the arrival of enemy troops.
Barbarossa wintering in Toulon (1543-1544) Main article: Ottoman wintering in Toulon After the Siege of Nice, the Ottomans were
offered by Francis to winter at Toulon, so that they could continue to harass the Holy Roman Empire, and especially the coast of
Spain and Italy, as well the communications between the two countries: "Lodge the Lord Barbarossa sent to the king by the Great
Turk, with his Turkish Army and grands seigneurs to the number of 30,000 combatants during the winter in his town and port of
Toulon... for the accommodation of the said army as well as the well-being of all his coast, it will not be suitable for the inhabitants of
Toulon to remain and mingle with the Turkish nation, because of difficulties which might arise" —Instruction of Francis I to his Lord
Lieutenant of Provence.[54] During the wintering of Barbarossa, the Toulon Cathedral was transformed into a mosque, the call to
prayer occurred five times a day, and Ottoman coinage was the currency of choice. According to an observer: "To see Toulon, one
might imagine oneself at Constantinople".[55] Throughout the winter, the Ottomans were able to use Toulon as a base to attack the
Spanish and Italian coasts, raiding Sanremo, Borghetto Santo Spirito, Ceriale and defeating Italo-Spanish naval attacks. Sailing with
his whole fleet to Genoa, Barbarossa negotiated with Andrea Doria the release of Turgut Reis.[56] The Ottomans departed from their
Toulon base on May 1544 after Francis I had paid 800,000 ecus to Barbarossa.[57]
Captain Polin in Constantinople (1544) Five French galleys under Captain Polin, including the superb Réale, accompanied
Barbarossa's fleet, on a diplomatic mission to Suleiman.[57] The French fleet accompanied Barbarossa during his attacks on the west
coast of Italy on the way to Istanbul, as he laid waste to the cities of Porto Ercole, Giglio, Talamona, Lipari and took about 6,000
captives, but separated in Sicily from Barbarossa's fleet to continue alone to the Ottoman capital.[58] Jerôme Maurand, a priest of
Antibes who accompanied Polin and the Ottoman fleet in 1544, wrote a detailed account in Itinéraire d'Antibes à Constantinonple.[59]
They arrived in Constantinople on 10 August 1544 to meet with Suleiman and give him an account of the campaign.[60] Polin was
back to Toulon on 2 October 1544.[60]
Joint campaign in Hungary (1543-1544) On land Suleiman was concomitantly fighting for the conquest of Hungary in 1543, as a
part of the Little War. French troops were supplied to the Ottomans on the Central European front: in Hungary, a French artillery unit
was dispatched in 1543-1544 and attached to the Ottoman Army.[32][53][61] Following major sieges such as the Siege of Esztergom
(1543), Suleiman took a commanding position in Hungary, obtaining the signature of the Treaty of Edirne (1547) with the Habsburg.
Besides the powerful effect of a strategic alliance encircling the Hasburg Empire, combined tactical operations were significantly
hampered by the distances involved, the difficulties in communication, and the unpredictable changes of plans on one side or the
other. From a financial standpoint, fiscal revenues were also generated for both powers through the ransoming of enemy ships in the
Mediterranean. The French Royal House also borrowed large amounts of gold from the Ottoman banker Joseph Nasi and the Ottoman
Empire, amounting to around 150,000 écus as of 1565, the repayment of which became contentious in the following years.[62]
French support in the Ottoman-Safavid war (1547) Main article: Ottoman-Safavid War (1532–1555) In 1547, when Suleiman the
Magnificent attacked Persia in his second campaign of the Ottoman-Safavid War (1532–1555), France sent him the ambassador
Gabriel de Luetz to accompany him in his campaign.[63] Gabriel de Luetz was able to give decisive military advice to Suleiman, as
when he advised on artillery placement during the Siege of Vān.[63]
Consequences The alliance provided strategic support to, and effectively protected, the kingdom of France from the ambitions of
Charles V. It also gave the opportunity for the Ottoman Empire to become involved in European diplomacy and gain prestige in its
European dominions. According to historian Arthur Hassall the consequences of the Franco-Ottoman alliance were far-reaching: "The
Ottoman alliance had powerfully contributed to save France from the grasp of Charles V, it had certainly aided Protestantism in
Germany, and from a French point of view, it had rescued the North German allies of Francis I."'[64]
Political debate Apologye en défense pour le Roy, fondée sur texte d'évangile, contre ses enemis et calomniateurs by François de
Sagon, 1544. Caricature showing the Emperor conducting the king of France and the Sultan walking as captives bound together. Early
17th century. Side effects included a lot of negative propaganda against the actions of France and its "unholy" alliance with a Muslim
power. Charles V strongly appealed to the rest of Europe against the alliance of Francis I, and caricatures were made showing the
collusion between France and the Ottoman Empire.[65] In the late Sixteenth Century, Italian political philosopher Giovanni Botero
referred to the alliance as "a vile, infamous, diabolical treaty" and blamed it for the extinction of the Valois dynasty.[66] Even the
French Huguenot Francois de La Noue denounced the alliance in a 1587 work, claiming that "this confederation has been the occasion
to diminish the glory and power of such a flourishing kingdom as France."[67] Numerous authors intervened to take the defense of the
French king for his alliance. Authors wrote about the Ottoman civilization, such as Guillaume Postel or Christophe Richer, in
sometimes extremely positive ways. In the 1543 work Les Gestes de Francoys de Valois, Etienne Dolet justified the alliance by
comparing it to Charles V's relations with Persia and Tunis. Dolet also claimed that it should not be "forbidden for a prince to make
alliance and seek intelligence of another, whatever creed or law he may be."[68] The author François de Sagon wrote in 1544 Apologye
en défense pour le Roy, a text defending the actions of Francis I by drawing parallels with the Parable of the Good Samaritan in the
Bible, in which Francis is compared to the wounded man, the Emperor to the thieves, and Suleiman to the Good Samaritan providing
help to Francis.[65] Guillaume du Bellay and his brother Jean du Bellay wrote in defense of the alliance, at the same time minimizing it
and legitimizing on the ground that Francis I was defending himself against an aggression.[69] Jean de Montluc used examples from
Christian history to justify the endeavour to obtain Ottoman support.[70] Jean de Montluc's brother Blaise de Montluc argued in 1540
that the alliance was permissible because "against one's enemies one can make arrows of any kind of wood."[71] In 1551, Pierre Danès
wrote Apologie, faicte par un serviteur du Roy, contre les calomnies des Impériaulx: sur la descente du Turc.[65]
Cultural and scientific exchanges Further information: Orientalism in early modern France and Islamic Civilization during the
European Renaissance Cultural and scientific exchanges between France and the Ottoman Empire flourished. French scholars such as
Guillaume Postel or Pierre Belon were able to travel to Asia Minor and the Middle East to collect information.[65] Scientific exchange
is thought to have occurred, as numerous works in Arabic, especially pertaining to astronomy were brought back, annotated and
studied by scolars such as Guillaume Postel. Transmission of scientific knowledge, such as the Tusi-couple, may have occurred on
such occasions, at the time when Copernicus was establishing his own astronomical theories.[72] Books, such as the Coran, were
brought back to be integrated in Royal libraries, such as the Bibliothèque Royale de Fontainebleau, to create a foundation for the
Collège des lecteurs royaux, future Collège de France.[65] French novels and tragedies were written with the Ottoman Empire as a
theme or background.[65] In 1561, Gabriel Bounin published La Soltane, a tragedy highlighting the role of Roxelane in the 1553
execution of Mustapha, the elder son of Suleiman.[65][73] This tragedy marks the first time the Ottomans were introduced on stage in
France.[74]
International trade Strategically, the alliance with the Ottoman Empire also allowed France to offset to some extent the Habsburg
Empire's advantage in the New World trade, and French trade with the eastern Mediterranean through Marseilles indeed increased
considerably after 1535. After the Capitulations of 1569, France also gained precedence over all other Christian states, and her
authorization was required for when other state wished to trade with the Ottoman Empire.[75]
Military alliance under Henry II The son of Francis I, Henry II, also sealed a treaty with Suleyman in order to cooperate against the
Austrian Navy.[2] This was triggered by the 8 September 1550 conquest of Mahdiya by the Genoese Admiral Andrea Doria, for the
account of Charles Quint. The alliance allowed Henry II to push for French conquests towards the Rhine, while a Franco-Ottoman
fleet defended southern France.[76]
Cooperation during the Italian War of 1551–1559 Various military actions were coordinated during the Italian War of 1551–1559.
In 1551, the Ottomans, accompanied by the French ambassador Gabriel de Luez d'Aramon, succeeded in the Siege of Tripoli.[77]
Joint attacks on Italy (1552) In 1552, when Henry II attacked Charles V, the Ottomans sent 100 galleys to the Western
Mediterranean.[78] The Ottoman fleet was accompanied by three French galleys under Gabriel de Luez d'Aramon, who accompanied
the Ottoman fleet from Istanbul in its raids along the coast of Calabria in Southern Italy, capturing the city of Reggio.[79] The plan was
to join with the French fleet of Baron de la Garde and the troops of the Prince of Salerne, but both were delayed and could not join the
Ottomans in time. In the Battle of Ponza in front of the island of Ponza with 40 galleys of Andrea Doria, the Franco-Ottoman fleet
managed to vanquish them and capture 7 galleys on 5 August 1552. The Franco-Ottoman fleet left Naples to go back to the east on 10
August, missing the Baron de la Garde who reached Naples a week later with 25 galleys and troops. The Ottoman fleet then wintered
in Chios, where it was joined by the fleet of Baron de la Garde, ready for naval operations the following year.
Joint invasion of Corsica (1553) Main article: Invasion of Corsica (1553) On 1 February 1553, a new treaty of alliance, involving
naval collaboration against the Habsburg was signed between France and the Ottoman Empire.[80] In 1553, the Ottoman admirals
Turgut and Koca Sinan together with the French squadron raided the coasts of Naples, Sicily, Elba and Corsica.[80][81] A FrancoOttoman fleet accomplished an Invasion of Corsica for the benefit of France.[53] The military alliance is said to have reached its peak
in 1553.[81] In 1555, the French ambassador Michel de Codignac, successor to Gabriel de Luetz d'Aramon, is known to have
participated to Suleiman's Persian campaign, and to have sailed with the Ottoman fleet in its campaign against Piombino, Elba and
Corsica.[82] The Ottoman admiral Turgut Reis was one of the key Ottoman protagonists in these actions. On 30 December 1557,
Henry II wrote a letter to Suleiman, asking him for money, saltpeter, and 150 galleys to be stationed in the West. Through the services
of his ambassador Jean Cavenac de la Vigne, Henry II obtained the dispatch of an Ottoman fleet to Italy in 1558, with little effect
however apart from the sack of Sorrento.[83] The Ottomans also contributed by the Ottoman invasion of the Balearic islands in 1558.
The conflict would finally come to an end with the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) and the accidental death of Henry II that same
year. The newfound peace between the European powers however created long-lasting disillusionment on the Ottoman side.[84]
Support of Protestantism under Charles IX Main article: Islam and Protestantism Ottoman power was also used by the French in
the religious conflicts on the European scene. In 1566, under Charles IX, the French ambassador to the Ottoman Empire intervened in
favour of the Dutch Revolt against the Spanish Empire, after a request for Ottoman help by William I of Orange, so that a DutchOttoman alliance was considered and a letter was sent from Suleiman the Magnificent to the "Lutherans" in Flanders, offering troops
at the time they would request,[85] and claiming that he felt close to them, "since they did not worship idols, believed in one God and
fought against the Pope and Emperor".[86][87] The Ottoman Empire was indeed known at that time for its religious tolerance. Various
religious refugees, such as the Huguenots, some Anglicans, Quakers, Anabaptists or even Jesuits or Capuchins were able to find
refuge at Istanbul and in the Ottoman Empire,[88] where they were given right of residence and worship.[89] Further, the Ottomans
supported the Calvinists in Transylvania and Hungary but also in France.[90] The contemporary French thinker Jean Bodin wrote:[91]
"The great emperor of the Turks does with as great devotion as any prince in the world honour and observe the religion by him
received from his ancestors, and yet detests he not the strange religions of others; but on the contrary permits every man to live
according to his conscience: yes, and that more is, near unto his palace at Pera, suffers four diverse religions viz. that of the Jews, that
of the Christians, that of the Grecians, and that of the Mahometans" —Jean Bodin.[90]
The Ottoman Empire was at the height of its power, but for the forty years after these events, France would become embroiled in the
bitter French Wars of Religion, and Ottoman power would start to slowly weaken after the 1571 Battle of Lepanto. In 1572, after the
death of the Polish king Sigismund Augustus, who had been under a Polish-Ottoman alliance of his own, Poland elected the French
Henri de Valois, rather than Habsburg candidates, partly in order to be more agreeable to the Ottoman Empire.[92] The choice of Henri
de Valois had apparently been proposed by the Ottoman Grand Vizier Mehmet Sokolli.[93] When Henri left to return to France in
1575, he was succeeded by Stephen Báthory of Poland, who also had been supported by the Ottomans in obtaining the Transylvanian
throne in 1571.[92] In 1574, William of Orange and Charles IX of France, through his pro-Huguenot ambassador François de Noailles,
Bishop of Dax, tried to obtain the support of the Ottoman ruler Selim II in order to open a new front against the Spanish king Philip
II.[94] Selim II sent his support through a messenger, who endeavoured to put the Dutch in contact with the rebellious Moriscos of
Spain and the pirates of Algiers.[95] Selim also sent a great fleet in the Capture of Tunis in October 1574, thus succeeding in reducing
Spanish pressure on the Dutch.[95] French Huguenots were in contact with the Moriscos in plans against Spain in the 1570s.[96] Around
1575, plans were made for a combined attack of Aragonese Moriscos and Huguenots from Béarn under Henri de Navarre against
Spanish Aragon, in agreement with the king of Algiers and the Ottoman Empire, but these projects foundered with the arrival of John
of Austria in Aragon and the disarmament of the Moriscos.[97][98] In 1576, a three-pronged fleet from Constantinople was planned to
disembark between Murcia and Valencia while the French Huguenots would invade from the north and the Moriscos accomplish their
uprising, but the Ottoman fleet failed to arrive.[97] Ottoman support for France would continue, as well as support for the Dutch and
the English after 1580, and support for Protestants and Calvinists,[86] as a way to counter Habsburg attempts at supremacy in
Europe.[86] For a time though, the Ottoman–Safavid War (1578–1590) turned the Ottomans' attention away from Europe.
Ottoman-Persian diplomatic rivalry in Europe Main article: Habsburg-Persian alliance The conflict between the Ottomans and the
Persians led the latter to try to forge a counter-acting Habsburg-Persian alliance with other European powers against the Ottoman
Empire, particularly with the Habsburg Empire, Italy and Spain. This plan was formalized by two major diplomatic endeavours: the
Persian embassy to Europe (1599–1602), and the Persian embassy to Europe (1609–1615). The results however seem to have been
limited.
Continuation For the three centuries following the beginning of the alliance,[4] the Ottoman effectively continued to respect their
commitment to protect Christian communities in their realm. The French kings succeeding to Francis I also generally maintained their
pro-Ottoman policy.[99] Numerous Ottoman embassies were received at the French court: from Suleiman to Francis I in 1533, from
Suleiman to Charles IX in 1565 (embassy of Hajji Murad),[62] from Selim II to Charles IX in 1571, from Murad III to Henry III in
1581.[100]
Henry IV Even before Henry IV's accession to the throne, the French Huguenots were in contact with the Moriscos in plans against
Habsburg Spain in the 1570s.[96] Around 1575, plans were made for a combined attack of Aragonese Moriscos and Huguenots from
Béarn under Henri de Navarre against Spanish Aragon, in agreement with the king of Algiers and the Ottoman Empire, but these
projects foundered with the arrival of John of Austria in Aragon and the disarmament of the Moriscos.[97][98] In 1576, a three-pronged
fleet from Constantinople was planned to disembark between Murcia and Valencia while the French Huguenots would invade from
the north and the Moriscos accomplish their uprising, but the Ottoman fleet failed to arrive.[97] Henry IV continued the policy of
Franco-Ottoman alliance and received an embassy from Mehmed III in 1601.[100][103] In 1604, a "Peace Treaty and Capitulation" was
signed between Henry IV and the Ottoman Sultan Ahmet I, giving numerous advantages to France in the Ottoman Empire.[103] An
embassy was sent to Tunisia in 1608, led by François Savary de Brèves.[104] An embassy was again sent to Louis XIII in 1607, and
from Mehmed IV to Louis XIV in 1669 in the person of ambassador Müteferrika Süleyman Ağa, who created a sensation at the
French court and even triggered a Turkish fashion.[105] The Orient came to have a strong influence in French literature, as about 50%
of French travel guides in the 16th century were dedicated to the Ottoman Empire.[106] French influence remained paramount at
Istanbul, and the Capitulations were renewed in 1604, forcing all nations to trade under the protection and flag of France, except for
England and Venice which were competing, with Holland, for influence in the Levant. In the context of competition for influence
between Western powers, relations between France and the Ottoman Empire started to cool significantly.[107] In 1643, the French lost
the custody of the Holy Places to the Greeks.[108]
Revival of the alliance under Louis XIV Initially, the sentiment of Louis XIV towards the Ottoman Empire seems to have been
quite negative, and French troops assisted the Austrians against the Turks at the 1664 Battle of Saint-Gothard, or the Venetians
against the Turks at the Siege of Candia in 1669 under François de Beaufort.[108] One of the reasons was that Louis XIV was in a
shifting alliance with the Habsburgs, especially through his marriage with Marie-Thérèse of Spain in 1660.[109] Louis XIV's mother,
Anne of Austria, was a Habsburg too. In 1673, Louis XIV sent a fleet to the Dardanelles and obtained new capitulations recognizing
him as sole protector of the Catholics.[108] Soon Louis XIV revived the alliance to facilitate his expansionist policies.[110] Louis XIV
refrained from entering into a formal alliance with the Ottoman Empire, but maintained a cautious neutrality favourable to the Turks,
encouraged them to open a new front against the Habsburgs, and effectively took advantage of their conflict with the Holy Roman
Empire to further the territorial interests of France. In 1679 and 1680, Louis XIV through his envoy Guilleragues encouraged the
Ottoman Grand Vizier Kara Mustafa to intervene in the Magyar Rebellion against the Habsburg, but without success.[111] Louis XIV
communicated to the Turks that he would never fight on the side of the Austrian Emperor Leopold I, and he instead massed troops at
the eastern frontier of France.[112] These reassurances encouraged the Turks not to renew the 20-year 1664 Vasvar truce with Austria
and to move to the offensive.[113] From 1683 and for a period of sixteen years, the Holy Roman Empire would be occupied in fighting
the Ottoman Empire in the Great Turkish War. Louis XIV refused to participate in the Holy League, a coalition of European powers
against the Ottomans, adopting a position of neutrality, and encouraged Mehmed IV to persevere in his fight against the
Habsburgs.[111][114] Pamphleters and poets would criticize the position of Louis XIV, and reinforce the unity of the League, by
describing a battle between European "Liberty" on the one hand and "Eastern despotism" associated with "French absolutism" on the
other.[115] The Ottoman Grand Vizier Kara Mustafa almost captured Vienna, but was finally repulsed at the Battle of Vienna in 1683.
On that occasion, Louis XIV not only declined to help the Austrians, but on the contrary tried to prevent John III Sobieski from saving
the city of Vienna,[116] and he used the opportunity to attack cities in Alsace and parts of southern Germany. He was able to sign the
Truce of Ratisbon on 15 August 1684, giving him several territories which covered the frontier and protected France from foreign
invasion. In 1688, Louis XIV again attacked the Habsburg Empire, in effect relieving pressure from the Ottomans. Louis XIV was
reviled for this action, and was called: "The Most Christian Turk, the most Christian ravager of Christendom, the most Christian
barbarian who had perpetrated on Christians outrages of which his infidel allies would have been ashamed"
—House of Commons Journal, April 15, 16 1689.[117]
The Ottoman were able to stage a counter-attack and succeeded in the Siege of Belgrade (1690), but they were finally defeated
however in 1699 with the Treaty of Carlowitz.[118]
Cultural exchanges Further information: Orientalism in early modern France and Orientalism By the end of the 17th century, the
first major defeats of the Ottoman Empire reduced the perceived threat in European minds, which led to an artistic craze for Turkish
things. There was a fashion for Turkish things with Turquerie, just as there was a fashion for Chinese things with Chinoiserie, both of
which became constitutive components of the Rococo style.[119] Orientalism started to become hugely popular, first with the works of
Jean-Baptiste van Mour, who had accompanied the embassy of Charles de Ferriol to Istanbul 1699 and stayed there until the end of
his life in 1737, and later with the works of Boucher or Fragonard.[119] French literature also was greatly influenced. In 1704 was
published the first French version of A Thousand and One Nights.[119] French authors used the East as a way to enrich their
philosophical work and a pretext to write comments on the West: Montesquieu wrote the Lettres Persannes in 1721, a satirical essay
on the West, Voltaire used the Oriental appeal to write Zaïre (1732) and Candide (1759).[119] French travelers of the 17th century,
such as Jean de Thévenot or Jean-Baptiste Tavernier routinely visited the Ottoman Empire. There were also numerous culinary
influences. Coffee was introduced to Marseilles by Pierre de La Roque in 1664, but the fashion for coffee in Paris was triggered by
the Ottoman ambassador to Louis XIV, Suleiman Aga, in 1669.[119] Fashionable coffee-shops emerged such as the famous Café
Procope, the first coffee-shop of Paris, in 1689.[120] In the French high society wearing turbans and caftans became fashionable, as
well as lying on rugs and cushions.[121] A carpet industry façon de Turquie ("in the manner of Turkey") was developed in France in the
reign of Henry IV by Pierre Dupont, who was returning from the Levant, and especially rose to prominence during the reign of Louis
XIV.[122] The Tapis de Savonnerie especially examplify this tradition ("the superb carpets of the Savonnerie, which long rivalled the
carpets of Turkey, and latterly have far surpassed them")[123] which was further adapted to local taste and developed with the Gobelins
carpets. This tradition also spread to Great Britain where it revived the British carpet industry in the 18th century.[124]
Continued support from Louis XV to the Revolution
Ottoman embassies In the early 18th century, the Ottoman ruler Ahmed III (1703–1730) endeavoured to send an embassy to France
in order to formally establish France as a strategic ally against the common Russian and Austrian enemy.[105] In 1720, Mehmed Efendi
was assigned as Ottoman ambassador to Louis XV and sent to Paris. His embassy of eleven months was notable for being the first
ever foreign representation of a permanent nature for the Ottoman Empire. During 1721-22, he visited France on an extensive factfinding mission, with the objective of gathering information for the modernization of the Ottoman Empire.[125] On his return to the
Ottoman capital, Mehmed Çelebi presented his contacts, experiences and observations to the Sultan in the form of a book, a
Sefâretnâme. Another embassy, led by Mehmed Said Efendi would visit France in 1742.
Diplomatic and technical collaboration Throughout the period, contacts were varied and multiple. France was willing to help in
order to maintain strategic balance in Europe. Through its intervention and that of Ambassador Louis de Villenneuve in negotiating
the 1739 Treaty of Belgrade, France effectively supported the Ottoman Empire into maintaining a strong presence in Europe against
Austria for several more decades,[108] and "re-emerged in its traditional role as the Ottomans' best friend in Christendom".[126] Also, as
the Ottoman Empire was losing ground militarily during the 18th century, it made numerous efforts to recruit French experts for its
modernization. The French officer and adventurer Claude-Alexandre de Bonneval (1675–1747) went in the service of Sultan Mahmud
I, converted to Islam, and endeavoured to modernize the Ottoman army, creating cannon foundries, powder and musket factories and
a military engineering school.[23]. Another officer François Baron de Tott was involved in the reform efforts for the Ottoman military.
He succeeded in having a new foundry built to make howitzers, and was instrumental in the creation of mobile artillery units. He built
fortifications on the Bosphorus and started a naval science course that laid the foundation stone for the later Turkish Naval
Academy.[127]
Louis XVI Under Louis XVI from 1783, a French Military Mission was sent to the Ottoman Empire to train the Turks in naval
warfare and fortification building.[128] Up to the French revolution in 1789, about 300 French artillery officers and engineers were
active in the Ottoman Empire to modernize and train artillery units.[129] From 1784, Antoine Charles Aubert reached Constantinople
with 12 experts.[130] The same year, French engineering officers André-Joseph Lafitte-Clavé and Joseph-Monnier de Courtois arrived
to instruct engineering drawings and techniques in the new Turkish engineering school Mühendishâne-i Hümâyûn established by the
Grand-Vizier Halil Hamid Pasha.[131] Mostly French texbooks were used on mathematics, astronomy, engineering, weapons, war
techniques and navigation.[131] However, all instructors had to leave with the end of the Franco-Ottoman alliance in 1798.[131]
Revolutionary FranceThis policy continued after the French revolution, as France was clearly in need of an eastern diversion against
its continental enemies. For the Ottoman Empire, the French Revolution was a godsend, since conflict between European powers
could only weaken the states that were its traditional enemies.[132] For Sultan Selim III, this was a golden opportunity to modernize,
and achieve the "New Order" (Nizam-i Jedid). He established permanent embassies in several European countries, and turned to
France for help.[133] Various experts were sent, and in 1795, French envoy extraordinary Raymond Verninac attempted to establish a
Treaty of Alliance.[134] A young artillery officer by the name of Napoleon Bonaparte was also to be sent to Istanbul in 1795 to help
organize Ottoman artillery. He did not go, for just days before he was to embark for the Near East he proved himself useful to the
Directory by putting down a Parisian mob in the whiff of grapeshot and was kept in France.[135][136] In 1796, General Aubert-Dubayet
was sent to the Ottoman court with artillery equipment, and French artillerymen and engineers to help with the development of the
Ottoman arsenals and foundries.[129][137] Infantry and cavalry officers were also to train the Spahis and Janissaries, but they were
frustrated by the opposition of the Janissaries.[137] This relationship would sour with the ascent of Napoleon I.[133]
Epilogue: Napoleon I With the advent of Napoleon I, France adopted a strongly expansionist policy which put it in direct contact
with the Ottoman Empire. Following the Treaty of Campo Formio in 1797, France acquired possessions in the Mediterranean such as
the Ionian islands as well as former Venetian bases on the coast of Albania and Greece. Relations with the Ottoman Empire became
all of a sudden more conflictual. Napoleon Bonaparte invaded Egypt in 1798 and fought against the Ottomans to establish a French
presence in the Middle East, with the ultimate dream of linking with Tippoo Sahib in India. Although the long period of FrancoOttoman friendship was now over, Napoleon I still claimed great respect for Islam, and appealed to the long history of friendly
relations between the Ottoman Empire and France:[138] "Peoples of Egypt, you will be told that I have come to destroy your religion:
do not believe it! Answer that I have come to restore your rights and punish the usurpers, and that, more than the Mamluks, I respect
God, his Prophet and the Koran... Is it not we who have been through the centuries the friends of the Sultan?" —Napoleon to the
Egyptians.[138]
Napoleon had toppled the Mamluk beys, the effective rulers of Egypt under nominal Ottoman suzerainty, but still raised the French
flag side-by-side with the Ottoman banner throughout the Egyptian territory, claiming his love for Islam, and saying that they were
saving the Ottomans from the Mamluks. Selim III however immediately declared a Jihad and sought the help of Britain and Russia,
who felt both threatened by Napoleon's conquests. On January 9, 1799, the Ottoman Empire allied with Russia, and two days later
with Great Britain.[139] England took the opportunity to ally with the Ottoman Empire in order to repel Napoleon's invasion,
intervening military as during the Siege of Acre with Admiral William Sidney Smith in 1799, or under Ralph Abercromby at the
Battle of Abukir in 1801. By 1802, the French were completely vanquished in the Middle-East.[140]
A final, but short-lived, alliance Soon however, in 1803, France and Great Britain were again at war, and Napoleon went to great
lengths to try to convince the Ottoman Empire to fight against Russia in the Balkans and join his anti-Russian coalition. On its side,
Russia vied for Ottoman favour, and succeeded in signing a Treaty of Defensive Alliance in 1805.[140] Napoleon continued his efforts
to win the Ottoman Empire to his cause. He sent General Horace Sebastiani as envoy extraordinary. Napoleon promised to help the
Ottoman Empire recover lost territories.[140] He wrote to the Sultan: "Are you blind to your own interests - have you ceased to reign?
(...) If Russia has an army of 15,000 men at Corfu, do you think that it is directed against me? Armed vessels have the habit of
hastening to Constantinople. Your dynasty is about to descend into oblivion... Trust only your true friend, France" —Letter from
Napoleon to Selim III.[140]
In February 1806, following Napoleon's remarkable victory in the Battle of Austerlitz in December 1805 and the ensuing
dismemberment of the Habsburg Empire, Selim III finally refused to ratify the Russian and British alliances, and recognized
Napoleon as Emperor, formally opting for an alliance with France "our sincere and natural ally", and war with Russia and
England.[141] He also sent Muhib Efendi to Paris as ambassador (1806–1811).[142] Selim III's decisions in favour of France triggered
the 1806 Russo-Turkish War and the 1807 Anglo-Turkish War. Selim III repelled the British fleet of John Thomas Duckworth with
the help of Sebastiani, but lost several major encounters against Russia, and he was finally toppled by his Janissaries as he was trying
to reform his army, and replaced by Mustafa IV. Mustafa IV however persisted with the Franco-Ottoman alliance, and sent
ambassador Halet Efendi to Paris to work out the details.[143] Concurrently, Napoleon also formed a Franco-Persian alliance in 1807,
through the signature of the Treaty of Finkenstein.[144] In a final reversal however, Napoleon I finally vanquished Russia at the Battle
of Friedland in July 1807. The alliance between France and the Ottoman Empire was maintained, and a peace settlement was brokered
between Russia and the Ottomans, but the territories the Ottomans had been promised (Moldavia and Wallachia) through the Treaty
of Tilsit were never returned, although the Ottomans themselves had complied with their part of the agreement by moving their troops
south of the Danube.[145] Faced with betrayal by Russia, and the failure of France to have the agreement enforced, the Ottoman
Empire, now ruled by Mahmud II, finally signed on 5 January 1809 a Treaty of Peace, Commerce and Secret Alliance with Great
Britain, which was now at war with both France and Russia.[146] In 1812, through the Treaty of Bucharest, the Ottoman Empire and
Russia agreed to make peace, just as Russia was anxious to liberate this southern front in anticipation of Napoleon's Invasion of
Russia, with Russia keeping Bessarabia and the Ottomans regaining Wallachia and Moldavia.[147] In the post-Napoleonic world, at the
1815 Congress of Vienna, the Ottoman Empire was still recognized as an essential part of the European status quo.[146]
Crimean War and Syria In the Crimean War, a French-British-Ottoman alliance against Russia was signed on 12 March 1854.[148]
In another example of cooperation, in 1860, France later intervened in the Ottoman territory of Syria, with the agreement of the
Ottoman Empire, with the objective to fulfill its mission to protect Christians in the Middle-East, following massacres of Maronite
Christians.[149] At that time, France, led by Napoleon III, claimed to continue its ancient role as protector of Christians in the Ottoman
Empire.[150]
See also
• Foreign alliances of France
• France-Asia relations
• French Ambassador to the Ottoman Empire
• Islam and Protestantism
• Turco-Calvinism
Notes
1.
^ Kann, p.62
2.
^ a b c d e f g Miller, p.2
3.
^ Merriman, p.133
4.
^ a b c d Merriman, p.132
5.
^ The memoirs of Philip de Commines p.67
6.
^ Three years in Constantinople by Charles White p.139
7.
^ Three years in Constantinople by Charles White p.147
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
^ The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571) by Kenneth M. Setton p.312
^ The Cambridge History of Poland by Oskar Halecki p.309
^ Merriman, p.129
^ Merriman, p.81
^ a b Merriman, p.129
^ Merriman, p.131
^ Defenders of the Faith: Charles V, Suleyman the Magnificent by James Reston, Jr. p.359 [1]
^ The companion to British history Charles Arnold-Baker p.537
^ a b Garnier, p.52
^ The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571) by Kenneth M. Setton p.362
^ Margaret of Angouleme - Queen of Navarre by A. Mary F.Robinson p.158 [2]
^ Francis I R. J. Knecht p.224
^ Crowley, p.66
^ Suleiman the Magnificent 1520-1566 Roger Bigelow Merriman p.139
^ a b c Suleiman the Magnificent 1520-1566 Roger Bigelow Merriman p.140
^ a b Tricolor and crescent William E. Watson p.11
^ The Cambridge modern history by Sir Adolphus William Ward p.68
^ a b c d e f History of the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey Ezel Kural Shaw p.97ff [3]
^ Joseph E. Storace ‘’An historical perspective of the Siege of Malta 1565’’ [4]
^ Introduction to the modern economic history of the Middle East by Zvi Yehuda Hershlag Brill Archive, 1980
ISBN 9004060618 p.48 [5]
^ Garnier, p.92
^ Catholics and Sultans: The Church and the Ottoman Empire 1453-1923 by Charles A. Frazee p.28 [6]
^ The Ottoman state and its place in world history by Kemal H. Karpat p.52 [7]
^ Garnier, p.92-93
^ a b The Ottoman Empire and early modern Europe by Daniel Goffman, p.111 [8]
^ Renaissance diplomacy by Garrett Mattingly p.155
^ The Cambridge modern history Sir Adolphus William Ward p.72
^ a b c d e The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571) by Kenneth M. Setton
^ a b The Cambridge History of Islam, p.327
^ The history of modern Europe by Thomas Henry Dyer, p.573-574
^ Garnier, p.151-153
^ Musée d'Ecouen exhibit
^ From Edith Garnier, "L'Alliance Impie", p.141. It does seem that the Ottomans were quite cruel in their
campaigns against Christians, and that the French sailors accompanying them were quite embarrassed by these violences
against their correligionnists. This is based on the account of Jehan Gallery, who was the ship doctor for Baron de SaintBlancard, who accompanied the Ottomans in 1537. He relates: "We arrived at a desert city named Gazopolly (?). There we
did much damage to the poor Greeks and Venetians... Then we set fire to the city, but elsewhere there was much worse: the
Turkish villains not only displayed cruelty towards animals but also towards men, women, daughters, young and old. Some
were killed with swords, other had their neck half severed, an arm cut down, a body pierced by a dagger, poor girls were
sold for a few coins, small naked children were carried across their shoulders like sheep, and other such incredible
cruelties." Sometimes, the French would hide people to avoid capture by the Ottomans: "[Saint-Blancard] ordered all his
soldiers to capture the greatest possible of men, women and children, and to take them on the galleys... They were nourished
and more than anything kept hidden in secret." The following day, Saint-Blancard would sail back on the pretext of fetching
water, and release them "and give them some moneys". In 1544, Jérôme Maurand, who was accompanying the Ottoman fleet,
would make the same kind of lamentations: "To see so many poor Christians, and especially so many little boys and girls
[enslaved] caused a very great pity." Also mentionning "the tears, wailings and cries of these poor Lipariotes, the father
regarding his son and the mother her daughter... weeping while leaving their own city in order to be brought into slavery by
those dogs who seemed like rapacious wolves amidst timid lambs". Anthony Carmen Piccirillo p.1
^ The Cambridge modern history Sir Adolphus William Ward p.73
^ a b A Short History of the World by H. G. Wells p.180
^ International encyclopaedia of Islamic dynasties by Nagendra Kr. Singh p.793 [9]
^ Setton, p.461
^ Garnier, p.210
^ a b Garnier, p.211
^ Garnier, p.212
^ Garnier, p.213
^ Garnier, p.214-215
^ Garnier, p.215
^ A New General Biographical Dictionary, Volume III by Hugh James Rose [10]
^ Lamb, p.228
^ a b c The Cambridge History of Islam, p.328
^ Lamb, p.229
^ Crowley, p.74
^ a b Crowley, p.75
^ Crowley, p.75-79
^ Garnier, p.234
^ a b Garnier, p.240
^ Firearms of the Islamic world, p.38
^ a b The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571) by Kenneth M. Setton p.838
^ a b The Cambridge history of Iran by William Bayne Fisher p.384ff
^ Louis XIV and the Zenith of the French Monarchy by Arthur Hassall
^ a b c d e f g Ecouen Museum exhibit
^ Giovanni Botero, The Reason of State, Trans. P.J. Waley and D.P. Waley (New Haven: Yale U. P., 1956) 223-24.
^ Francois de la Noue, Discours Politiques et Militaires (Geneve: Librairie Droz, 1967) 428.
^ Etienne Dolet, Les Gestes de Francois de Valoys, Roi de France (Lyon: 1543), available from Gallica,
Bibliotheque Nationale de France: http://gallica.bnf.fr
69.
^ Robert Estienne, royal printer: an historical study of the elder Stephanus by Elizabeth Armstrong p.144 [11]
70.
^ The history of modern Europe from the fall of Constantinople by Thomas Henry Dyer p.605 [12]
71.
^ Rouillard, Clarence D. The Turk in French History, Thought and Literature, 1520-1660 (Paris: Boivin &
Compagnie, 1973) 358.
72.
^ Whose Science is Arabic Science in Renaissance Europe? by George Saliba Columbia University
73.
^ Arthur Augustus Tilley, The Literature of the French Renaissance, p. 87
74.
^ The Penny cyclopædia of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge p.418 [13]
75.
^ Anti-Italianism in sixteenth-century France by Henry Heller p.108
76.
^ The Cambridge History of Islam, p.328
77.
^ The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean world in the age of Philip II by Fernand Braudel p.920- [14]
78.
^ European warfare, 1494-1660 by Jeremy Black p.177
79.
^ The History of England Sharon Turner, p.311
80.
^ a b History of the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey by Ezel Kural Shaw p.106 [15]
81.
^ a b New Turkes: dramatizing Islam and the Ottomans in early modern England Matthew Dimmock p.49 [16]
82.
^ Setton, p.692
83.
^ The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571) by Kenneth M. Setton p.698ff
84.
^ The Papacy and the Levant Kenneth M. Setton p.841
85.
^ Ottoman-Dutch economic relations by Mehmet Bulut, p.112
86.
^ a b c The Ottoman state and its place in world history by Kemal H. Karpat p.53 [17]
87.
^ Muslims and the Gospel by Roland E. Miller p.208
88.
^ The Ottoman Empire and early modern Europe, by Daniel Goffman p.111 [18]
89.
^ Goofman, p.110
90.
^ a b Goffman, p.111
91.
^ Goffman p.111
92.
^ a b c Warfare, state and society on the Black Sea steppe, 1500-1700 by Brian L. Davies p.26 [19]
93.
^ The Papacy and the Levant by Kenneth M. Setton p.938
94.
^ Parker, p.61
95.
^ a b Parker, p.61
96.
^ a b Divided by faith by Benjamin J. Kaplan p.311
97.
^ a b c d The Moriscos of Spain: their conversion and expulsion by Henry Charles Lea p.281- [20]
98.
^ a b Muslims in Spain, 1500 to 1614 by L. P. Harvey p.343
99.
^ Miller, p.2
100.
^ a b East encounters West: France and the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century Fatma Müge Göçek p.9 [21]
101.
^ Dance as text: ideologies of the baroque body by Mark Franko p.127
102.
^ The exotic in western music Jonathan Bellman p.7
103.
^ a b Peace treaties and international law in European history by Randall Lesaffer p.343ff [22]
104.
^ The regency of Tunis and the Ottoman Porte, 1777-1814 Asma Moalla p.59 [23]
105.
^ a b Göçek, p.8
106.
^ Goody, p.73
107.
^ The Ottoman Empire and Its Successors, 1801-1927 by William Miller, p.3 [24]
108.
^ a b c d Miller, p.3
109.
^ McCabe, p.233
110.
^ Faroqhi, p.73 The Ottoman Empire and the World Around it
111.
^ a b The Siege of Vienna by John Stoye, p.52
112.
^ The Siege of Vienna by John Stoye, p.53
113.
^ The Balkans since 1453 by Leften Stavros Stavrianos, p.171
114.
^ An Arab's journey to colonial Spanish America by Ilyās Mawṣilī p.10 [25]
115.
^ Poetry and the creation of a Whig literary culture 1681-1714 by Abigail Williams p.110 [26]
^ The Ottoman Empire and Its Successors, 1801-1927 William Miller, p.3 [27]
116.
117.
^ The history of England from the accession of James II p. 303 Thomas Babington Macaulay Macaulay, Longman,
Green, Longman, Roberts, & Green, 1864 [28]
118.
^ Göçek, p.7
119.
^ a b c d e Goody, p.75
120.
^ Bound together by Nayan Chanda p.88
121.
^ Bound together by Nayan Chanda p.87
122.
^ Paris as it was and as it is, or, A sketch of the French capital by Francis William Blagdon p.512 [29]
123.
^ The Industry of Nations London Exhibition of 1851 [30],
124.
^ Sloan's Architecture - The Late Georgian Period by Samuel Sloan p.114 [31]
60.
61.
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
125.
^ Göçek, p.10
126.
^ An economic and social history of the Ottoman Empire Halil Đnalcık, p.644 [32]
127.
^ History of the Ottoman Empire and modern Turkey Ezel Kural Shaw p.255 [33]
128.
^ From Louis XIV to Napoleon Jeremy Black p.144
129.
^ a b Ottoman wars 1700-1870: an empire besieged by Virginia H. Aksan p.202 [34]
130.
^ Imperialism and science: social impact and interaction by George Vlahakis p.92
131.
^ a b c Encyclopedia of the Ottoman Empire by Gábor Ágoston, Bruce Alan Masters p.395
132.
^ Karsh, p.9
133.
^ a b Karsh, p.9
134.
^ Friends and Rivals in the East Alastair Hamilton p.230
135.
^ Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte p.29
136.
^ History of Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, etc. by John Jacob Lehmanowsky p.4
137.
^ a b History of the Ottoman Turks Sir Edward Shepherd Creasy p.335
138.
^ a b Tricolor and crescent William E. Watson p.13-14
139.
^ Karsh, p.10
140.
^ a b c d Karsh, p.11
141.
^ Karsh, p.12
142.
^ Ottoman wars 1700-1870 by Virginia H. Aksan, p.242
143.
^ Karsh, p.13-14
144.
^ The Islamic world in decline by Martin Sicker p.97
145.
^ Karsh, p.14
146.
^ a b Karsh, p.15
147.
^ Turkish Foreign Policy, 1774-2000 by William M. Hale, p.23
148.
^ Why wars widen by Stacy Bergstrom Haldi
149.
^ Just war or just peace?: humanitarian intervention and international law by Simón Chesterman p.32ff
150.
^ France overseas: a study of modern imperialism By Herbert Ingram Priestley p.87
References
• Robert A. Kann A History of the Habsburg Empire, 1526-1918 University of California Press, 1980 ISBN 0520042069
• William Miller The Ottoman Empire and Its Successors, 1801-1927 Routledge, 1966 ISBN 0714619744
• Roger Bigelow Merriman Suleiman the Magnificent 1520-1566 READ BOOKS, 2007 ISBN 1406772720
• Kenneth M. Setton The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571) DIANE Publishing, 1984 ISBN 0871691620
• Fatma Müge Göçek East Encounters West: France and the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century Oxford University
Press US, 1987 ISBN 0195048261
• Jack Goody Islam in Europe Wiley-Blackwell, 2004 ISBN 0745631932
• McCabe, Ina Baghdiantz 2008 Orientalism in early Modern France Berg ISBN 9781845203740
• Peter Malcolm Holt, Ann K. S. Lambton, Bernard Lewis The Cambridge History of Islam Cambridge University Press, 1977
ISBN 0521291356
• Inari Karsh Empires of the Sand: The Struggle for Mastery in the Middle East, 1789-1923 Harvard University Press, 2001
ISBN 0674005414
• Harold Lamb Suleiman the Magnificent - Sultan of the East READ BOOKS, 2008 ISBN 1443731447
• Daniel Goffman The Ottoman Empire and early modern Europe Cambridge University Press, 2002 ISBN 0521459087
• Garnier, Edith L'Alliance Impie Editions du Felin, 2008, Paris ISBN 9782866456788 Interview
• "A Vile, Infamous, Diabolical Treaty" The Franco-Ottoman Alliance of Francis I and the Eclipse of the Christendom Ideal,
by Anthony Carmen Piccirillo, Senior Honors Thesis in History, Georgetown University 2009 [35]
French expedition in Syria led by General Beaufort d'Hautpoul, landing in Beyrouth on 16 August 1860. Ottoman guns, 17501800. Musée de l'Armée, Paris.
Ottoman ambassador Halet Efendi in The Coronation of Napoleon in 1804, by Jacques-Louis David (detail). The French General
Horace Sebastiani negotiated the alliance with Selim III.
Through his conquests (here, Napoleon's empire at its greatest extent in 1811) Napoleon came in direct contact with the Ottoman
Empire.
French Empire
Conquered "Rebellious" States
Conquered "Allied" States
General Aubert-Dubayet with his Military Mission being received by the Grand Vizier in 1796, painting by Antoine-Laurent
Castellan.
A fortification built by the Baron de Tott for the Ottoman Empire during the Russo-Turkish War (1768–1774). The French officer
Claude Alexandre de Bonneval helped modernize the Ottoman army.
French ambassador Charles Gravier de Vergennes in Ottoman dress, painted by Antoine de Favray, 1766, Pera Museum, Istanbul.
Entry of Joseph de Bauffremont into Smyrne, 28 September 1766.
Contemporary caricature of the 1783 French Military Mission in Istanbul training Ottoman troops. Madame de Pompadour portrayed
as a Turkish lady in 1747 by Charles André van Loo, an example of Turquerie. A Dutch crescent-shaped Geuzen medal at the time of
the anti-Spanish Dutch Revolt, with the slogan "Liever Turks dan Paaps" ("Better Turks than Papists"), 1570.
Louis XV as a child receiving Ottoman ambassador Mehmed Efendi in 1721.Tapis de Savonnerie, under Louis XIV, after Charles Le
Brun, made for the Grande Galerie in the Louvre. Ahmed III receiving the embassy of Charles de Ferriol in 1699; painting by JeanBaptiste van Mour. English pamphlet criticizing Louis XIV and Mehmed IV for their roles in the Siege of Vienna in 1683 ("Without
the help of the Most Christian/ Against the Most Antichristian/ Monarch").
Bilingual Franco-Turkish translation of the 1604 Franco-Ottoman Capitulations between Sultan Ahmed I and Henry IV, published by
Savary de Brèves in 1615. Illustration from Le Grand Bal de la Douairière de Billebahaut: "Entrance of the Great Turk", 1626.[101][102]
The French Prince Henri de Valois was elected king of Poland in 1572, partly due to the desire of Polish nobles to be agreeable to the
Ottoman Empire.[92] Ornate Ottoman cannon founded 8 October 1581 in Algiers. Length: 385cm, cal:178mm, weight: 2910kg, stone
projectile. Musée de l'Armée, Paris.
16th century copy of the 1569 Capitulations between Charles IX and Selim II. Arabic astronomical manuscript of Nasir al-Din alTusi, annotated by Guillaume Postel. Ottoman Empire Coran, copied circa 1536, bound according to regulations set under Francis I
circa 1549, with arms of Henri II. Bibliothèque Nationale de France.
Francis I (left) and Suleiman the Magnificent (right) initiated the Franco-Ottoman alliance. Both were separately painted by Titian
circa 1530. A map of the dominion of the Habsburgs following the Battle of Mühlberg (1547) as depicted in The Cambridge Modern
History Atlas (1912); Habsburg lands are shaded green. Not shaded are the lands of the Holy Roman Empire over which the
Habsburgs presided.
Ottoman Prince Djem with Pierre d'Aubusson in Bourganeuf, 1483-89. Louise de Savoie, mother of Francis I, symbolically taking
over the "rudder" in 1525, and requesting the help of Suleiman the Magnificent, here shown lying at her feet enturbanned.
In the Siege of Nice in 1543, a combined Franco-Turkish force managed to capture the city. A cannonball fired by the Franco-Turkish
fleet, now in a street of Nice.
Letter of Suleiman to Francis I in 1536, informing Francis I of the successful campaign of Irak, and acknowledging the permanent
French embassy of Jean de La Forest at the Ottoman court. Draft of the 1536 Treaty negotiated between Jean de La Forêt and Ibrahim
Pasha, a few days before his assassination, expanding to the whole Ottoman Empire the privileges received in Egypt from the
Mamluks before 1518. Ottoman admiral Barbarossa fought in alliance with France. First letter from Suleiman to Francis I in February
1526.
In 1532, the French ambassador Antonio Rincon presented Suleiman with this magnificent tiara, made in Venice for 115,000
ducats.[16] Letter of Suleiman the Magnificent to Francis I of France regarding the protection of Christians in his states. September
1528. Archives Nationales, Paris, France. Allegory showing Charles Quint (center) enthroned over his defeated enemies (from left to
write): Suleiman, Pope Clement VII, Francis I, the Duke of Cleves, the Duke of Saxony and the Landgrave of Hesse.
Henry II, here standing on an oriental carpet, an example of Oriental carpets in Renaissance painting, continued the policy of alliance
of his father Francis I. Painting by François Clouet.
The Ottoman Empire was at the height of its power at the end of the 16th century. French ambassador to the Ottoman Porte Gabriel de
Luetz d'Aramont, was present at the 1551 Siege of Tripoli as well as later Ottoman campaigns. Painting by Titian.
Franco-Ottoman forces invaded Corsica in 1553. Letter from Henry II of France to Suleiman the Magnificent and ambassador Jean
Cavenac de la Vigne, dated 22 February 1557.
Antoine Escalin des Aimars. Grand culverin of Francis I, caliber: 140mm, length: 307cm, recovered at the time of the Invasion of
Algiers in 1830. Musée de l'Armée, Paris. Francis I and Charles V made peace at the Truce of Nice in 1538. Francis actually refused
to meet Charles V in person, and the treaty was signed in separate rooms.
Ottoman volley gun with 9 barrels, early 16th century. Letter of Francis I to the Drogman Janus Bey, 28 December 1546, delivered by
D'Aramon. The letter is countersigned by the State Secretary Claude de L'Aubespine (bottom right corner). French artillery troops
were supplied to Suleiman for his Hungarian campaign. Here, the Siege of Esztergom (1543).
The French galleys of Captain Polin in front of Pera at Constantinople in August 1544, drawn by Jerôme Maurand, a priest who
accompanied the fleet. Barbarossa's fleet wintering in the French harbour of Toulon, 1543.
The French and Ottoman fleets joined at the Siege of Corfu (1537) in early September. Le Voyage du Baron de Saint Blancard en
Turquie, by Jean de la Vega, after 1538. The Harbour of Marseilles by Ottoman Admiral Piri Reis 1526

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